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no. 22-27 


" SERIES, NO. 22 

The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit 
Material Culture 

James VV. VanStone 

ibruary 28, 1994 
iblication 1455 

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The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit 
Material Culture 

James W. VanStone 

Curator Emeritus 
Depart mer^t of Anthropology 
Field Museum of Natural History 
Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496 

Accepted September 28, 1993 
Published February 28, 1994 
Publication 1455 


1994 Field Museum of Natural History / 

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 94-70185 

ISSN 0071-4739 


Table of Contents 

Abstract 1 

I. Introduction 1 

Copper Inuit Territory and Environ- 
ment 1 

Subsistence 1 

Settlement Patterns 3 

History of Contact 3 

Previous Ethnographic Research 4 

Harold Noice and the Canadian Arctic 

Expedition 5 

Harold Noice's Ethnographic Col- 
lections 6 

II. The Collection 7 

Subsistence 8 

Land Hunting 8 

Sea Hunting 10 

Fishing 11 

Tools 12 

Women's Tools 12 

Men's Tools 14 

Household Equipment 15 

Clothing 16 

Men's Clothing 17 

Women's Clothing 19 

Miscellaneous 20 

Raw Materials 21 

III. Conclusions 21 

Acknowledgments 24 

Literature Cited 24 

Appendix 69 

List of Illustrations 

1 . Map of Copper Inuit territory 2 

2. Bows and arrows 26 

3. Arrowheads, sinew twisters, thumb guard, 
marlin spike, bow case handle 27 

4. Bow case 28 

5. Handle for carrying blood bag, bolas, lance 
blade, arrow shaft straightener, marlin 
spikes, bone pins, drinking tube 29 

6. Breathing hole scoops, seal hooks and bag, 
harpoon heads 30 

7. Bag with harpoon head 31 

8. Leisters and side prong, dog swivel, fish- 
hooks, ice pick 32 

9. Fishing rod and lurehook, fishhooks, leis- 
ter prongs, seal indicator 33 

10. Woman's knife, skin scrapers, skin 
stretcher 34 

1 1 . Sewing outfits, marrow extractors, skin 
scraper, needle case, grooving tools, thim- 
ble 35 

1 2. Crooked knife, saws, drill mouthpiece, file, 
adze head and blade 36 

1 3. Men's knives, grooving tools, drill shanks, 
drill bow 37 

14. Pick, adze, tool bags 38 

15. Bags, lamp, dippers or drinking ladles, 
snow knives 39 

16. Bags, blubber pounder 40 

1 7. Man's outer parka 41 

18. Man's outer parka 42 

1 9. Man's outer parka 43 

20. Man's outer parka 44 

2 1 . Man's outer parka 45 

22. Man's outer parka 46 

23. Man's outer (inner?) parka 47 

24. Man's outer (inner?) parka 48 

25. Man's overcoat 49 

26. Man's outer trousers 50 

27. Man's outer trousers 51 

28. Man's outer stockings, sock 52 

29. Man's dance stockings 53 

30. Man's spring and fall boots 54 

3 1 . Sealskin boots 55 

32. Mittens 56 

33. Mittens 57 

34. Woman's outer (inner?) parka 58 

35. Woman's outer (inner?) parka 59 

36. Woman's outer parka 60 

37. Woman's outer parka 61 

38. Woman's outer parka 62 

39. Woman's outer parka 63 

40. Woman's outer parka 64 

4 1 . Woman's outer parka 65 

42. Woman's outer trousers 66 

43. Woman's inner (?) stockings 67 

44. Sled toggle and bag, comb, dolls, pendant, 
game, musk ox horn 68 


The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit 
Material Culture 

James W. VanStone 


The collections of the Field Museum of Natural History contain 234 ethnographic objects 
collected among the Copper Inuit of the Northwest Territories, Canada, in 1919-1921 by Harold 
Noice. The artifacts in this collection are described and illustrated. For comparative purposes, 
information is included from previous studies of Copper Inuit material culture, notably those 
of Stefansson (1914), Birket-Smith (1945), and Jenness (1946). 

I. Introduction 

Copper Inuit Territory and Environment 

The CopF)er Inuit are the westernmost of the 
Central Inuit, a grouping that also includes the 
Netsilik and Iglulik.' The western boundary of the 
aboriginal Copper Inuit territory on the mainland 
of Canada was at Wise Point near the western 
entrance to Dolphin and Union Strait (Stefansson, 
1913, p. 167). To the northwest their territory in- 
cluded the southeast coast of Banks Island and to 
the south the eastern edge of Great Bear Lake as 
well as Contwoyto Lake and Beechey Lake on the 
Back River (Stefansson, 1914, p. 260; Rasmussen, 
1932, p. 1 19). In the east Perry River in Queen 
Maud Gulf was the boundary between the territory 
of the CopF>er Inuit and the Netsilik. The Copper 
Inuit hunted over much of Victoria Island but, 
according to Damas (1984, p. 397), concentrated 
their travel and occupation to the area south of 
Walker Bay to the west and Denmark Bay to the 
east (fig. 1). 

Most of the area occupied by the Copper Inuit 
is tundra, but it reached wooded areas along the 

' The designation "Copper Inuit" is a historical term 
assigned by outsiders because of the regional exploitation 
of copper deposits. In most of the literature, the Copper 
Inuit are referred to as "Eskimo." The term "Inuit," the 
people's name for themselves, is used here to conform 
with general usage in Canada at the present time. 

western and southern margins and the Copper- 
mine River. The area as a whole has an arctic 
climate with mean temperatures in February rang- 
ing from -20°F to -28°F. In July the mean ranges 
in the high 40s over most of the area. Precipitation 
is light with snow falling in spring and fall, winter 
blizzards shifting the snow according to the direc- 
tion of the wind. A continuous ice sheet covers 
the straits and gulfs of the Copper Inuit region 
from late October or November until July, and 
lakes have an ice cover even longer. The sun dis- 
appears for at least two months each winter, while 
in summer it does not set for an equal period. As 
might be expected, these yearly environmental 
changes had an important effect on the aboriginal 
Inuit subsistence cycle (Damas, 1984, p. 397). 


The aboriginal Copper Inuit abandoned their 
villages of snow houses on the ice in late May and 
moved to land. Although caribou {Rangifer arc- 
ticus) migrated on the ice of Dolphin and Union 
Strait and Dease Strait, they were not hunted to 
any great extent in spring (Jenness, 1922, p. 123). 
Similarly, seals were seldom hunted, when they 
basked on the ice in spring or in open water in 
summer (Stefansson, 1 9 1 3, p. 205). From late May 
until November the most important sources of 
food were caribou, fish, waterfowl, and small game. 


200 km 

Fig. 1. Map of Copper Inuit territory. (Adapted from Damas, 1980, p. 398, fig. 1.) 

Dependence on caribou or fish varied according 
to the season as well as the locale. Fishing through 
the ice in lakes was more important in spring and 
early summer, and it was not until late August that 
caribou hunting became the most important ac- 
tivity since beginning at this time the skins were 
most suitable for clothing. Fishing from weirs in 
streams was also a late summer activity, particu- 
larly important on southeastern Victoria Island, 
while caribou hunting was emphasized on the 
mainland from Bathurst Inlet to Perry River (Jen- 

ness, 1922, pp. 122-124; Rasmussen, 1932, pp. 

The preferred method for taking caribou was to 
drive them between rows of stones set in con- 
verging lines to resemble men. Women and chil- 
dren chased the caribou toward hunters, who killed 
them with bows and arrows or lances. Caribou 
were also hunted with lances from kayaks as they 
swam in lakes at traditional crossing places (Jen- 
ness, 1922, pp. 148-149). 

Jigging through the ice for lake trout {Salvelinus 


namaycush) and spearing salmon trout {Salvelinus 
alpinus) in weirs in late summer were important 
activities for men, women, and children. Also in 
summer, ptarmigan (Lagopus sp.) and several SF>e- 
cies of ducks and geese were taken with bow and 
arrow as well as snares (Jenness, 1922, p. 152). 

For two weeks or a month in November the 
Copp)er Inuit were idle, living for the most part on 
food previously stored in caches. There was some 
jigging for fish in lakes, but the primary activity 
was the sewing of winter garments by women. 

Breathing hole hunting for seals was the most 
important activity from December to May. Using 
dogs to sniff out the breathing holes, each hunter 
waited quietly at a hole for the seal to come up 
for a breath. The common ringed seal (Phoca his- 
pida) was the most frequently killed, but bearded 
seals {Erignathus barbatus) were also taken oc- 
casionally. Polar bears (Thalarctos maritimus) were 
a significant prey for those Copper Inuit who win- 
tered off the coast of Banks Island (Stefansson, 
1 9 1 4, p. 30). Bears were held at bay with dogs and 
killed with lances. Musk oxen (Ovibosa moscha- 
tus) were the most numerous around Bathurst In- 
let, but small herds were present throughout the 
territory (Damas, 1984, p. 398). 

A more stable form of aggregation occurred in 
late fall for a period of two weeks to a month, 
referred to as the sewing place gatherings when 
women were sewing winter garments. Damas 
( 1 984, p. 400) believes there were 1 6 to 18 of these 
sewing groups, which averaged between 45 and 50 

The third type of population aggregation was 
the winter seal hunting village on the ice. Larger 
groups were necessary during the winter because 
a large number of seal breathing holes in any given 
area had to be covered by the hunters. Each winter 
the total population was assembled in between 
seven and nine aggregates ranging in size from 9 1 
to 1 1 7 individuals. 

Although it seems possible to identify these three 
types of settlements, it is not possible to equate 
the group names obtained by various investigators 
with this classification. Damas (1984, p. 401) be- 
lieves that the closest correspondence geographi- 
cally is with the large summer hunting region, and 
he lists in tabular form the group designations for 
this period as determined by Stefansson (1914, pp. 
26-32), Jenness (1922, pp. 33^1), and Rasmus- 
sea (1932, pp. 7, 69-70, 76-77). 

Settlement Patterns 

History of Contact 

Copper Inuit population estimates for the ab- 
original or early contact period include a census 
taken by Rasmussen (1932, p. 30) that produced 
a total of 816 individuals. This number compares 
favorably with Jenness's estimate of 700 or 800 
(Jenness, 1922, p. 22) but is smaller than Stefans- 
son's 1,100 (Stefansson, 1914, pp. 25^0). Since 
neither Stefansson nor Jenness had contact with 
the eastern group of Copper Inuit, Damas (1984, 
p. 400) believes that Rasmussen's figures are the 
most accurate for the entire area. 

Damas (1969; 1972; 1984, pp. 398-400) has 
demonstrated how the patterning of Copper Inuit 
population aggregation was related to the seasonal 
round of subsistence activities. He distinguished 
three types of settlement for the aboriginal period. 
From May to November the groups varied con- 
siderably in size and composition. Sometimes the 
nuclear family comprised the local group, partic- 
ularly when resources were limited and people de- 
pended on fishing and the hunting of small game. 
Groups were larger when caribou were plentiful, 
and the largest summer aggregations occurred at 
the fishing weirs for salmon trout. 

The first explorer to reach the country of the 
Copper Inuit was Samuel Heame, who traveled 
overland from Prince of Wales Fort on Hudson 
Bay to the mouth of the Coppermine River in 1771 
with a party of Chipewyan Indians. Just below 
Bloody Falls near the mouth of the river, they 
surprised a band of Copper Inuit who were camjjed 
there and killed all of them (Heame, 1958, ch. VI). 

In 1819 Captain (later Sir John) Franklin com- 
manded an expedition dispatched to explore the 
coast east of the Coppermine River. On June 14, 
1821, he reached the lower Coppermine and, like 
Heame, encountered Copper Inuit camped at 
Bloody Falls. They told Franklin that they came 
to the mouth of the river in June and July to fish 
and then spent the winter in snow houses. Franklin 
had hoped to obtain information from them con- 
ceming the country to the east but was unsuc- 
cessful (Franklin, 1824, vol. 2, pp. 169-183). 
Franklin's party proceeded by boat along the coast, 
charting and naming features in Coronation Gulf, 
Bathurst Inlet, and Melville Sound as far as Tum- 
again Point on the north shore of Kent Peninsula. 
The party encountered a number of abandoned 


Inuit camps but did not see any people (Franklin, 
1824, vol. 2, pp. 201, 223-224, 229). 

Captain George Back encountered a small party 
of Copper Inuit fishing when he descended the 
river that bears his name in 1833. Beads were 
exchanged for items of native manufacture (Back, 
1836, pp. 379-388). In the summers of 1838 and 
1839 Peter Dease and Thomas Simpson explored 
the coast from the mouth of the Coppermine River 
to beyond Back River. Inuit were met near the 
mouth of the Coppermine in 1838, but little in- 
formation was obtained from them (Simpson, 
1843, pp. 262-264, 345-351). 

In 185 1, John Rae, as part of the search for Sir 
John Franklin's third expedition, explored the coast 
of the mainland from near Cape Krusenstern to 
Cape Alexander on Kent Peninsula and the south 
coast of Victoria Island from Cambridge Bay to 
Pelly Point on the Collinson Peninsula. He en- 
countered a number of Copper Inuit who main- 
tained that they had never before been in com- 
munication with Europeans (Rae, 1852a, p. 78; 
1852b, p. 84). 

Another Franklin search expedition involved 
HMS Investigator under the command of Robert 
M'Clure and HMS Enterprise commanded by 
Richard Collinson, who conducted their search by 
way of Bering Strait between 1850 and 1855. In 
1851 one of M'Clure's sledge parties encountered 
Inuit near Berkeley Point at the southern entrance 
to Prince of Wales Strait between Victoria Island 
and Banks Island (Osbom, 1865, pp. 145-147). 
Meanwhile Collinson, in the winter of 1 85 1-1852, 
observed more Copper Inuit than any previous 
explorer. In Walker Bay some 50 Inuit constructed 
their snow houses near the Enterprise. The follow- 
ing winter he also met Inuit in Cambridge Bay at 
the southeastern end of Victoria Island (Collinson, 
1889, pp. 171-173, 248-251). 

For the next 50 years, no explorers visited the 
land of the Copper Inuit. In 1902 David T. Han- 
bury, traveling from the mouth of the Back River 
along the coast of the Coppermine River, encoun- 
tered Copper Inuit. His account of his journey 
(Hanbury, 1904, ch. XI) and the people he met 
was considered by Stefansson (1913, pp. 249-250) 
and Jenness ( 1 922, pp. 30-3 1 ) to be the most valu- 
able description of the Copper Inuit and the coun- 
try they inhabited up to that time. 

A Danish trader. Captain Christian Klengen- 
berg, traveling from the west in a small schooner, 
spent the winter of 1905-1906 in the vicinity of 
Cape Kendall on Victoria Island at the entrance 

to Dolphin and Union Strait. In early spring he 
met a party of Prince Albert Sound Inuit that 
camped near his ship for three days. Klengenberg 
was followed two years later by Captain Joseph 
Bernard, who remained in the country of the Cop- 
per Inuit for three years, wintering the first year a 
few miles east of the Coppermine River, the sec- 
ond in Bernard Harbor, and the third near Cape 
Kendall on Victoria Island (Jenness, 1922, p. 31). 
These pioneer traders were followed by an influx 
of goods brought by trading ships from the west. 
A Hudson's Bay Company post was established 
at Bernard Harbor in 1916 and a number of ad- 
ditional trading posts in the Coronation Gulf area 
in the early 1920s (Usher, 1971, pp. 101-105; Da- 
mas, 1984, p. 408). It was these trading ventures 
that were primarily responsible for changes in 
Copper Inuit material culture, economy, and so- 
cial organization. 

Missionary activity in Copper Inuit country was 
limited after the first Roman Catholic priests were 
killed by Inuit near Bloody Falls in 1913. The Rev. 
H. Girley of the Church of England entered the 
area in 1915 and established good relations with 
the Inuit of both Dolphin and Union Strait and 
Coronation Gulf (Jenness, 1 922, p. 3 1 ). The Royal 
Canadian Mounted Police established a post at 
Tree River in the early 1920s (Rasmussen, 1932, 
p. 61-65). 

Previous Ethnographic Research 

The noted explorer and ethnographer Vilhjal- 
mur Stefansson first went north in 1906-1907 for 
the purpose of studying the so-called "blond es- 
kimos" of Victoria Island. As it turned out, he 
spent most of a year along the arctic coast from 
Flaxman Island to the mouth of Mackenzie River, 
where he had extensive interaction with the Mac- 
kenzie Inuit (Stefansson, 1922). 

While engaged in his first arctic experience, Ste- 
fansson was already planning a second expedition. 
The information that quickened his interest in fur- 
ther exploration was obtained from the Mackenzie 
Inuit who told him that they were unaware of the 
existence of any people east of Bathurst Inlet (Ste- 
fansson, 1913, pp. 1-3). In 1910, traveling by sledge 
along the coast, Stefansson visited the Inuit of Dol- 
phin and Union Strait and west Coronation Gulf, 
then continued up the Coppermine River to Great 
Bear Lake. The following year he returned and 


visited the natives of Prince Albert Sound. This 
second Stefansson expedition resulted in consid- 
erable new knowledge relating to traveling and 
survival techniques, physical geography, and the 
first detailed information on the culture of the 
Copper Inuit (Stefansson, 1913; 1914). 

Stefansson's first two trips to the Canadian arc- 
tic were preliminary to a major expedition un- 
dertaken between 1913 and 1918 sponsored by 
the Canadian government. Its purpose was to carry 
out a wide variety of geographical exploration and 
scientific work in the western Canadian arctic. Ste- 
fansson divided the Canadian Arctic Expedition 
into two parties. The first, the Northern Division 
under his command, had geographical discovery 
as its main objective. The other part, the Southern 
Division, led by Rudolph Martin Anderson and 
accompanied by the anthropologist Diamond Jen- 
ness, was to carry out scientific work in the vicinity 
of Coronation Gulf 

In 1914 the Southern Division established its 
headquarters in Bernard Harbor on Dolphin and 
Union Strait, and during the winter Jenness began 
studies of the Inuit in the region. In April 1915 
he set out for southwestern Victoria Island and 
remained with the Copper Inuit there until No- 
vember when he returned to Bernard Harbor. The 
Southern Division completed its work in July 1916, 
and the party reached Nome in mid-August (Cooke 
and Holland, 1978, pp. 335-338). 

Although, as previously noted, the Copper 
Inuit had been contacted sporadically by explor- 
ers and members of Franklin search expeditions 
in the 1 8th and 1 9th centuries, the Canadian Arc- 
tic Expedition was working in essentially unex- 
plored country, making detailed geographic sur- 
veys for the first time and studying Inuit whose 
traditional cultures were virtually intact. The 
Coronation Gulf region was perhaps the only area 
of North America where trained ethnologists ac- 
companied an expedition into virtually unex- 
plored territory. A popular account of the work 
of the Northern Division was published by Ste- 
fansson (1921), while Jenness published a de- 
tailed ethnography of the Copper Inuit (1922), a 
study of their physical characteristics (1923), a 
popular account of his work with the Southern 
Division (1928), and a study of Copper Inuit ma- 
terial culture (1946). The collection of 2,500 ob- 
jects on which the latter study is based are in the 
Canadian Museum of Civilization in Ottawa (S. 
E. Jenness, 1991, p. 697). Harold Noice, a mem- 
ber of Stefansson's Northern Division party for 

two years, assembled the collection that is de- 
scribed in this study. 

Harold Noice and the 
Canadian Arctic Expedition 

Harold Noice, a high school dropout from Se- 
attle, went north in the summer of 1915 to meet 
a friend in Nome, Alaska, where they intended to 
make a motion picture; he was 19 years old. The 
friend never appeared and, stranded in Nome, 
Noice joined the crew of the Polar Bear, a whaling 
and trading ship that made its way east to Herschel 
Island where it was purchased, in the late summer 
of 1915, by Stefansson for use by the Northern 
Division of the Canadian Arctic Expedition. In 
early September, at Cape Kellett on Banks Island, 
Noice was hired by Stefansson as a sledge man for 
winter travel, and he traveled with him on Banks 
Island during the winter of 1915-1916. Later in 
the winter and spring he took part in sledge travel 
north of Melville Island, and on June 15, 1916, 
he was the first to go ashore on the newly discov- 
ered Meighen Island at latitude 80°N (Stefansson, 
1921, pp. 395, 442fr, 494-495, 518-519; Noice, 

At Cape Bathurst in the early fall of 1 9 1 7, Noice 
asked to be discharged from the employ of the 
Canadian Arctic Expedition and, with two others, 
purchased a ship from the expedition. His partners 
were interested in obtaining furs from the Copper 
Inuit, but Noice wished to complete the mapping, 
begun by Stefansson's party, of northeastern Vic- 
toria Island. He was hoping to reach Coronation 
Gulf by ship and then go northeastward across 
Victoria Island by sledge (Stefansson, 1921, pp. 
668-669; Noice, 1924). 

In the first year Noice's ship was wrecked in 
winter quarters on the mainland coast of Amund- 
sen Gulf, and this unforeseen event appears to 
have dissolved the partnership arrangement. Dur- 
ing the winters of 1919-1920 and 1920-1921 he 
lived and traveled with a group of Copper Inuit 
he refered to as the "Kilinigmium" of southeastern 
Victoria Island, possibly the group identified as 
Kiglinirmiut by Jenness (1922, p. 39), who hunted 
in the region opposite Bathurst Inlet (Stefansson, 
1921, p. 669; Anonymous, 1922, p. 12; Noice, 
1 922b, p. 229). It seems probable that it was among 
these people that Noice made most of his ethno- 
graphic collection since it was here that he traveled 
exclusively by land. 


On his return from the arctic, Noice published 
two articles relating to research carried out during 
the previous two winters. In the first he noted that 
the "Kilinigmium" traveled inland in summer to 
hunt caribou and met the Inuit of Prince Albert 
Sound and Minto Inlet for trading and dancing. 
They in turn spent part of every year on the coast 
with the "Kilinigmium" (Noice, 1922b, p. 229). 
In the second article he described briefly his ar- 
chaeological excavations on the mainland east of 
the Coppermine River where he discovered pot- 
tery fragments and the ruins of earth and wood 
houses similar to those used in Alaska. In this 
article he may have been the first to surmise that 
changed local environmental conditions, resulting 
in an altered subsistence emphasis, were relevant 
to the indigenous transition from the prehistoric 
Thule culture to modern Copper Inuit culture 
(Noice, 1922a, pp. 61 1-612), a theory supported 
by more recent archaeological research in the area 
(McGhee, 1972; Taylor, 1972). 

Harold Noice's Ethnographic Collections 

According to Stefansson (1925, p. 359), Noice 
came to New York in the spring of 1922 with a 
large ethnographic and archaeological collection 
that he hoped to sell for sufficient funds to allow 
him to live in the city for a year or two while he 
wrote a book about his travels. Stefansson told 
him that he should have no difficulty disposing of 
his collection to the American Museum of Natural 
History or the Museum of the American Indian 
and offered to assist him in his efforts. Much to 
Stefansson's surprise, however, such a quick and 
easy disposal of the collection, either in New York 
or elsewhere, turned out to be impossible. Ste- 
fansson noted that eventually limited selections 
from the collection were sold, but the prices were 

On April 24, 1 922, as part of Stefansson's initial 
efforts to assist Noice in disposing of his collection, 
he wrote to C. T. Currelly, Director of the Royal 
Ontario Museum in Toronto, enclosing an exten- 
sive inventory of archaeological and ethnographic 
items that Noice hoped to sell. This inventory 
listed approximately 280 archaeological speci- 
mens from Pearce Point on Amundsen Gulf and 
Point Agiak east of the Coppermine River. About 
535 ethnographic objects were also listed, a few 
of which were obtained on Hepburn Island in Cor- 
onation Gulf and on the Kent Peninsula. No pro- 
venience was given for most of the ethnographic 

material (Royal Ontario Museum [rom], archives, 
Dept. of Ethnology). 

Commenting on this collection, Stefansson wrote 
as follows: 

I have discussed with Mr. Noice how much he wants for 
his collection. He says in efTect that had he used his trade 
goods to buy fox skins, he would have secured fox skins 
enough to give him $25,000 gross on arriving in Seattle 
last fall. Of course he has the motive to try to make a 
scientific man of himself, so he will not be disappointed 
if he gets much less. . . . Things which he got for nothing 
are now very costly in Coronation Gulf and in many 
instances the articles contained in Mr. Noice's collection 
can never be duplicated. Bows, arrows and stone cooking 
pots will never again be made excepting for purposes of 
sale. Mr. Noice secured the last that remained of those 
actually made for use and actually used. In clothing and 
various other items changes will now begin to take place 
rapidly for there are many Western Eskimos among the 
Copper Eskimos group who will introduce new fashions. 

Stefansson went on to suggest that the Royal 
Ontario Museum may wish to purchase "only a 
few things," and he especially recommended five 
bows made of musk ox horn. He suspected that 
such bows may not have been present in the col- 
lection of the Canadian Arctic Expedition in Ot- 
tawa and slyly suggested that Currelly inquire of 
Jenness if this is the case but without mentioning 
Stefansson's name. If there were none in Ottawa, 
then the five obtained by Noice would be es- 
pecially valuable. 

It appears that Currelly may not have answered 
Stefansson's letter, and on September 28, 1922, 
Noice wrote Currelly that he was willing to break 
up his collection into small lots. He also men- 
tioned items of special interest such as the "musk 
ox horn bow and arrow outfits" and "basketry of 
Bathurst Inlet." Currelly wrote to Noice on Oc- 
tober 3 asking, "For how much could we have one 
bow and bow-repairing outfit, and one adze with 
musk ox horn handle?" He volunteered the in- 
formation that "our finances are not in good con- 
dition." Three days later Noice answered that "I 
can let you have one complete musk ox horn bow 
with seal skin case and seal skin quiver together 
with 2 bone-tipped, 4 iron-tipped, bone shanked, 
and 3 copper-tipped arrows, and a complete bow 
repairing outfit, for $ 1 50.00." He did not mention 
the adze with a musk ox horn handle. There is no 
indication that the Royal Ontario Museum pur- 
chased any of Noice's collection at this time. 

Some time after this correspondence between 
Currelly and Noice, the latter appears to have sold 
the entire collection, or at least the ethnographic 


objects, to John G. Worth, a Philadelphia dealer 
with ties to several American museums. On March 

I, 1925, Worth wrote to Clark Wissler at the 
American Museum of Natural History indicating 
that he had enough for three small collections and 
inquiring of Wissler whether he knew of someone 
who might want to purchase a segment of the col- 
lection (American Museum of Natural History, 
archives, Dept. of Anthropology). He apparently 
received no reply. Worth's further efforts to dis- 
pose of the Noice collection can be reconstructed 
from his correspondence with the Royal Ontario 
Museum and the Field Museum of Natural His- 

Some time prior to May 1, 1925, Worth, pos- 
sibly at the suggestion of Stefansson or Noice, wrote 
Currelly, presumably to inquire whether the Royal 
Ontario Museum might still be interested in ac- 
quiring a Copper Inuit collection. Currelly replied 
on May 1 expressing interest and Worth respond- 
ed, noting that he had two collections, one for 
which he was asking $500.00 and another, larger 
collection for which he hoped to receive $ 1 ,000.00. 
Currelly's response may have indicated that he 
was dubious about spending that much money, 
and Worth then offered a small collection for 
$ 1 50.00 to $200.00. On May 3 1 Worth wrote Cur- 
relly that the Milwaukee Public Museum had 
agreed to take one collection for $500.00 and of- 
fering a duplicate to the Royal Ontario Museum 
for $450.00. He apparently did not receive a fa- 
vorable reply, and in November, 1925, he sold to 
the Field Museum of Natural History for $500.00 
the collection that is the subject of this study (Field 
Museum of Natural History, accession files, Dept. 
of Anthropology). 

Worth apparently wrote Currelly again in early 
December. 1925, once more offering the Royal 
Ontario Museum a small collection. On December 

I I , T. F. Mcllwraith, Keeper of the Ethnological 
Collections, responded that he would like to see 
the collection on approval, and Worth replied that 
he was sending his "best $200 lot." Almost im- 
mediately, however, he informed Mcllwraith that 
he did not have a small collection to send but, 
instead, offered a larger one for $1,200.00. There 
the matter stood until January 27, 1927, when 
Worth wrote Currelly that a transaction he be- 
lieved he had completed with another museum 
had fallen through because that institution did not 
have the money. This was probably the collection 
that the Milwaukee Public Museum had agreed to 
purchase and that was then sold to the Field Mu- 
seum. He now offered what remained of the Noice 

collection to Currelly for $1,000.00. On May 13, 
1927, Mcllwraith agreed to purchase this collec- 
tion for the asking price. On May 17 Worth ac- 
knowledged the purchase and noted that arrange- 
ments had been made for packing and shipping 
(ROM, archives. Dept. of Ethnology). The collec- 
tion presently in the Department of Ethnology of 
the Royal Ontario Museum consists of at least 250 
objects (catalog nos. 2585-2837). 

It now appears that the Noice collections in the 
Field Museum of Natural History and the Royal 
Ontario Museum constitute the entire assemblage 
of Copper Inuit ethnographic material formerly in 
the possession of Harold Noice and later sold to 
John G. Worth. The total number of the two col- 
lections equals approximately the number of eth- 
nographic objects listed in the inventory that Ste- 
fansson sent Currelly in 1922. The archaeological 
material listed in that inventory may or may not 
have been purchased by Worth and its present 
whereabouts is unknown. 

II. The Collection 

In the catalog of the Department of Anthro- 
pology, Field Museum of Natural History, the 
Noice collection of Copper Inuit material culture 
(accession 1628) is assigned 125 catalog numbers 
representing 244 objects. It was received by the 
Field Museum on December 8, 1 925. Unlike most 
other ethnographic collections in the museum, this 
one was cataloged in such a manner that typolog- 
ically similar artifacts, instead of receiving sepa- 
rate catalog numbers, were frequently assigned al- 
phabetical subdesignations of single numbers. This 
accounts for the considerable difTerence between 
the number of catalog numbers and the number 
of objects in the collection. At the time this study 
was begun, 1 objects represented by eight catalog 
numbers could not be located in storage or on 
exhibit; they have apparently been lost. Other than 
the information referred to in the Introduction, 
there is no documentation accompanying the Noice 

Artifacts in the Noice collection are described 
within the following six use categories: subsistence 
(land hunting, sea hunting, fishing), tools (wom- 
en's and men's), household equipment, clothing 
(men's and women's), miscellaneous, and raw ma- 
terial (see Appendix for catalog numbers). De- 
scriptions of the artifacts that follow should be 
read while examining the accompanying photo- 


graphs and drawings. For comparisons I have re- 
lied heavily on the publications of Stefansson and 
Jenness, although other sources are, of course, cit- 
ed when relevant. 


Land Hunting— The Noice collection contains 
three wooden composite hows contained in com- 
bination bow cases and quivers with arrows. The 
staves of two reflex bows with bent ends consist 
of three pieces scarfed together and secured with 
sinew lashing. The joints are reinforced with flat 
plates of bone. On one bow a metal sleeve, barely 
visible through the lashing, covers one scarfed joint. 
The staves of both bows are rectangular in cross 
section and of equal thickness their entire length. 
A bow string of twisted sinew is laid over distinct 

Because the dried spruce driftwood from which 
these Copper Inuit bows were made has little ten- 
sility and breaks easily, back lashings of braided 
sinew were essential to provide strength. On these 
two bows approximately 20 strands of braided sin- 
ew extend along the back of the stave, are passed 
around the nocks, and loosely wrapped with raw- 
hide to keep them from slipping over the edge. At 
the ends the lashing is secured to the stave with a 
series of half hitches like those illustrated by Mur- 
doch (1884, p. 314, figs. 12-13) and with rawhide 
wrapping at the grips. Copper Inuit composite bows 
with similar lashings are described and illustrated 
by Stefansson (1914, pp. 85-89, fig. 30), Birket- 
Smith ( 1 945, p. 1 62, fig. 1 1 7d), and Jenness ( 1 946, 
pp. 122-124, fig. 151). Two rectangular strips of 
sealskin have been laid under the lashing to in- 
crease tension since the lashing invariably loosens 
with use and changing weather conditions (fig. 2b). 

The third bow in the collection, of the simple 
reflex type, has a rectangular stave of three pieces, 
the stave having been lengthened by the addition 
of short tips scarfed to the ends of both limbs and 
secured with nails and iron rivets. At the grip, 
which is slightly thicker than the limbs, the stave 
appears to have split and is reinforced with sinew 
lashing. Under this lashing there is a strip of seal- 
skin on the inner side and a plate of bone on the 
outer. The back lashing is combined into two ca- 
bles held in place in the same manner as charac- 
terized in the two previously described bows (fig. 
2a). A bow with a three-piece stave collected in 
1853 by Collinson is mentioned by Boas (1888, 
p. 50). 

According to Stefansson (1914, p. 85) and Jen- 
ness (1922, p. 145), bows were the principal hunt- 
ing weapon of the Copper Inuit and were in use 
at the time of their fieldwork. Stefansson (1914, 
pp. 85, 88-89) noted that those Copper Inuit whose 
bows were commonly made of driftwood obtained 
it along the west coast of Banks Island. Bows were 
also purchased ready-made, especially by the peo- 
ple living on Victoria Island, although even these 
eastern people sometimes camped at the head wa- 
ters of the Dease River to obtain wood (Stefans- 
son, 1921, p. 215). In trading among themselves, 
a seven-inch butcher knife or "number one" steel 
needle, usually obtained from the Hudson's Bay 
Company, was equal in value to a bow with a bow 
case, quiver, and 1 5 to 20 arrows in 1910. Families 
of Copper Inuit who hunted toward Great Bear 
Lake secured wood for themselves and for trade. 
These bows were made of green spruce and were 
roughed out during the summer, allowed to dry, ; 
and then either finished with a crooked knife or 
carried unfinished to the coast in the fall. 

Regarding the efficiency of the bow, Stefansson 
(1914, p. 96) noted. 

Tolerable accuracy, such as is needed in shooting birds, 
is not secured beyond a range of twenty-five or thirty 
yards. Against caribou the effective range varies with 
different archers, generally between seventy-five and 
ninety yards, and is probably not over one hundred. At 
thirty or forty yards members of our party have repeat- 
edly seen an arrow pass through the thorax or abdomen 
of an adult caribou and fly several yards beyond. 

Interestingly enough, Stefansson believed that 
the Copper Inuit lost fewer wounded caribou than 
did the Alaskan Ifiupiat hunting with rifles. Jen- 
ness (1922, p. 146), on the other hand, had a less 
favorable opinion of bow accuracy. His inform- 
ants admitted that the bow was of little use at 
distances greater than about thirty yards. The Cop- 
per Inuit used the Mediterranean release and held 
the bow almost horizontal (Jenness, 1922, p. 45, 
fig. 46, 1946, p. 126). 

According to Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 88), a Copper 
Inuit quiver usually contained between 1 5 and 20 
arrows. The three quivers in the Noice collection 
originally contained a total of 23 arrows, of which 
five are now missing. The wood shafts of these 
arrows are circular in cross section and range in 
length from 56 cm to 69 cm, not including the 
heads, which are missing from eight specimens. 
Three shafts are of two pieces joined together with 
a scarf and lashed with sinew (see Stefansson, 1914, 


p. 93, fig. 37). On all the arrows the shafts are 
widened and flattened slightly at the nocks, which 
are wrapped with sinew. The nocks are cut parallel 
to the flattened surface. The fletching is intact on 
only one arrow, which has two trimmed tangential 
feathers split in half, probably from a gyrfalcon 
(Fallo rusticolus). The barbs have been removed 
from each end of the vane. At the distal end the 
spines at the ends of the exposed vanes are held 
in place by the lashing around the nock (fig. It). 

Of the ten arrows that have antler arrowheads 
in place, one is unbarbed with an iron lancelate 
blade held in place with a rivet of the same ma- 
terial (fig. 2c). Six arrowheads have two or three 
barbs along one side toward the proximal end with 
riveted lancelate blades, one of copper and the rest 
iron; one blade has a single spur (fig. 2f). On two 
complete arrows the arrowheads have metal 
shanks, one iron and the other copper, terminating 
in riveted lancelate blades, one of which has dou- 
ble spurs (fig. 2d,g). A single arrowhead lacks barbs 
and is flattened and widened at the pointed distal 
end. Because these arrowheads are hafted, it is not 
possible to determine the exact shape of the tangs. 
All of them, however, appear to have sharp shoul- 
ders, and the tangs are inserted into the distal ends 
of the shafts and lashed with sinew. Similar ar- 
rowheads are illustrated by Stefansson (1914, pp. 
88-89, 91, figs. 32-33, 35). Complete arrows like 
those in the Noice collection are illustrated by 
Cadzow (1920, pi. X) and Birket-Smith (1945, p. 
164, fig. 118). 

In addition to the complete arrows there are 1 4 
arrow shaft fragments in the collection ranging from 
15.5 cm to 19 cm. Three of these are parts of 
scarfed shafts and four have feather fragments at- 
tached. On one of these the fragments are probably 
gyrfalcon feathers, but the others, badly deterio- 
rated, cannot be identified. Six shaft fragments 
include the nocks. Two are flattened at the prox- 
imal end and all are wrapped with sinew. 

There are 1 4 antler arrowheads in the collection 
ranging in length from 22 cm to 33 cm and mostly 
similar to those previously described on the com- 
plete arrows. Twelve have one to six barbs along 
one side and sharp shoulders with barbed conical 
tangs (fig. 3a-c,f ). Two lack barbs and have sloping 
shoulders with wedge-shaped tangs (fig. 3d-e). One 
of these consists of two sections spliced and fas- 
tened together with iron rivets (fig. 3d). Twelve 
have lancelate blades of iron attached with iron 
or copper rivets (fig. 3b,d-f ), one of which has a 
single spur (fig. 3d). One arrowhead is pointed at 
the distal end and lacks a blade (fig. 3c), while 

another has a bone blade attached with a copper 
rivet (fig. 3a). 

The three bows and 1 8 complete or nearly com- 
plete arrows in the collection were kept in bow 
cases of dark, depilated sealskin shaped to the form 
of the weapon. One end is closed and the other 
left open for some distance down its curved edge 
to receive the bow. A quiver is attached to each 
bow case along its straight edge with strips of seal- 
skin. On all three bow cases a tool bag is sewn to 
the quiver with sinew in such a manner that when 
the whole assemblage was worn on the back, the 
quiver covered the tool bag, preventing its con- 
tents from falling out (Jenness, 1922, p. 147, fig. 
47). One case has a sealskin carrying strap attached 
with a pair of toggles similar to those illustrated 
by Jenness (1946, p. 129, fig. 160a). The carrying 
strap on the second case is attached with round 
antler buttons. The third case lacks a carrying strap. 
On each case there is a curved antler handle with 
rounded or pointed ends attached to the straight 
edge of the bow case so that it could also be carried 
in the hand. On the outside of two cases are at- 
tached a pair of bone "wings" about 8 cm in length 
for pinning through the wings of small birds, es- 
pecially ptarmigan (Birket-Smith, 1945, p. 168, 
fig. 122d; Jenness, 1946, p. 129, fig. 161). A pair 
of small toggles and a handle for carrying bags of 
blood are also attached to one bow case (Jenness, 
1946, p. 130, fig. 162). The best preserved of the 
three bow cases in the collection is illustrated (fig. 
4). Similar bow cases, quivers, and tool bags are 
described and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, 
p. 87, fig. 31), Rasmussen (1932, p. 94), Birket- 
Smith (1945, pp. 163-164, fig. 117), and Jenness 
(1946, pp. 126-129, fig. 157). 

The collection contains three bow case handles, 
one of antler and two of ivory, similar to those on 
the complete cases. They are curved and pointed 
at each end with paired lashing slots for attach- 
ment to the straight edge of the bow case (fig. 31). 
An identical handle, ornamented with incised lines, 
is illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 128, fig. 158). 

A thumb guard, used when shooting with the 
bow, is an oblong, curved piece of bone with 
rounded ends. On each side is a hole for the skin 
thong, which fastens the guard to the thumb (fig. 
3i). Similar Copper Inuit thumb guards are de- 
scribed and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p. 
97, fig. 42) and Birket-Smith (1945, p. 168, fig. 
121). According to Birket-Smith, thumb guards 
were not used by the neighboring Netsilik. 

The collection contains four sets of bow tools, 
which include a pair of marlin spikes and a pair 


of sinew twisters. The marlin spikes, which range 
in length from 17.5 cm to 24 cm, are made of 
bone, are wedge-shaped at the distal end, and have 
handles that are either curved or grooved for the 
fingers; there are small holes just below the handles 
(figs. 3k, 5e,h). According to Jenness ( 1 946, p. 1 29), 
the holes enabled the marlin spikes to be lashed 
in pairs since two were necessary to unfasten and 
tighten the sinew backing of the bow. The sinew 
twisters are all the same size, made of bone, and 
turned up at the ends in opposite directions. They 
have holes in the center and are used in pairs to 
tighten or loosen the sinew backing on bows (fig. 
3g-h,j). Stefansson (1914, p. 94, fig. 39a) illus- 
trated marlin spikes and sinew twisters lashed to- 
gether like those in the Noice collection. 

In addition to the sets of bow tools just de- 
scribed, the collection contains two additional 
marlin spikes that are similar to those in the sets. 
Jenness (1946, p. 129) noted that some marlin 
spikes closely resemble marrow extractors except 
for their heavier construction and were sometimes 
used for extracting marrow. In addition to the set 
illustrated by Stefansson, Copper Inuit marlin 
spikes and sinew twisters are also illustrated by 
Birket-Smith (1945, p. 169, fig. 122e-0 and Jen- 
ness (1946, pp. 129-130, figs. 163-164). 

A large iron lance blade, leaf-shaped with a rect- 
angular tang, was probably used with a caribou 
lance (fig. 5c). Such a lance blade may have been 
hafted directly to the wooden shaft or have had a 
fixed foreshaft of antler like a lance illustrated by 
Jenness (1946, p. 135, fig. 175). According to Jen- 
ness (1946, p. 135) and Stefansson (1914, p. 84), 
lances were used only for spearing caribou from a 

The collection contains two antler arrow shaft 
straighteners. The hole through which the arrow 
shaft is passed is beveled on both sides. One 
straightener has a pair of parallel engraved lines 
just below the hole (fig. 5d). Similar straighteners 
are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson 
(1914, p. 96, fig. 40) and Jenness (1946, p. 134, 
fig. 172). 

According to Jenness (1946, p. 132), hunters 
collected the blood of caribou in the pouch-shaped 
reticulum of the animal's stomach. Bone pins, car- 
ried in the tool bag attached to the quiver, were 
used to close this pouch. The collection contains 
three pairs of bone pins, pointed at the end to 
penetrate the reticulum without tearing a hole, and 
with knobs at the other end, fastened together with 
sinew below the knobs (fig. 50- Similar pins are 

illustrated by Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 94, fig. 39d) and 
Jenness (1946, p. 132, fig. 167). 

Handles for carrying blood bags were grooved 
to fit the fingers and fitted with a short strip of 
plaited sinew. The collection contains three, one 
with an ivory handle (fig. 5a), the second with an 
antler handle, and the third with a handle of musk 
ox horn. Jenness (1946, p. 129, fig. 162, p. 130) 
noted that these handles were sometimes kept in 
the tool bag, but more often were attached to the 
outside of the quiver or bow case. It will be recalled 
that a similar handle is attached to one of the bow 
case/quivers in the collection. Handles for carrying 
blood bags are illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, 
p. 171, fig. 126). 

According to Jenness (1946, p. 135), the Copper 
Inuit used neither the sling nor the bolas. Nev- 
ertheless, the collection contains a bolas with six 
bone balls attached to narrow strips of sealskin 
wrapped at the proximal end with sinew (fig. 5b). 

Jenness (1946, p. 132, fig. 171, p. 133) noted 
that hunters often carried a drinking tube made 
from the hollow leg bone of a bird, usually a swan 
{Olor columbianus), in the tool bag. The collection 
contains one such drinking tube that is unmodified 
except for straight cuts at the ends (fig. 5g). 

Sea Hunting— As among other Central Inuit, 
the toggle harpoon was the principal seal hunting 
weapon. Although hunters occasionally tried to 
crawl near seals basking on the ice in spring and 
fall, this type of hunting was rare until rifles were 
obtained. Thus the most important seal hunting 
was at the animals' breathing holes in winter (Jen- 
ness, 1946, p. 115) and the small amount of seal 
hunting equipment in the Noice collection is re- 
lated entirely to that activity. 

The collection contains a single antler harpoon 
head with a short length of sealskin line attached. 
It has a closed socket, a single spur, and the distal 
end is worked to a point at right angles to the line 
hole; there is no blade. The implement is grooved 
between the line hole and the socket and sinew is 
wrapped around the groove (fig. 6f). This harpoon 
head does not resemble those illustrated by Birket- 
Smith (1945, pp. 172-173, figs. 128-1 29) and Jen- 
ness (1946, pp. 116-1 17, figs. 140-1 41), all of which 
have metal blades. Harpoon heads without in- 
serted blades are described by Taylor (1974, pp. 
86-87) for the Netsilik. 

A set of eight antler harpoon heads strung on a 
length of sealskin line are described in the catalog 
as "unfinished." It is difficult, however, to see how 
they could be finished further since each is care- 



fully worked to a flattened point at the distal end 
at right angles to the line hole and has a closed 
socket with a single spur (fig. 6e). 

An unusual artifact is a bag with harpoon head. 
The narrow bag, made of several small pieces of 
depilated caribou hide sewn with sinew, is pointed 
at one end and has a pair of loops at the other. A 
third loop on one side has a length of braided sinew 
extending from it. Attached to one of the end loops 
with sinew is a small bone button and a plug- 
shaped piece of wood. Accompanying the bag is 
an antler harpoon head with a single spur, closed 
socket, and iron blade held in place with a copper 
rivet (fig. 7). The harpoon head was in the bag, 
point down, with the wood plug in the socket. The 
function of the bone button is unclear, but it may 
have been used in combination with the wood plug 
as a fastener to prevent the head getting lost in the 
snow if it were to fall from the open top of the 

A single antler ice pick, slightly curved and 
pointed at the distal end with a long, narrow tang, 
was lashed to the proximal end of the harpoon 
shaft (fig. 80- It enabled the harpoon to be planted 
upright in the snow and was used to enlarge a seal's 
breathing hole after the animal was harpooned. 

The collection contains two breathing hole scoops 
used for clearing the snow from around the breath- 
ing hole of a seal. Each has a slightly curved han- 
dle, antler on one scoop and musk ox horn on the 
other, and bowls of the latter material. The two 
parts are spliced with a V-shaped notch and lashed 
with sealskin from which, on one scoop, protrudes 
a small skin strap for hanging the scoop on the 
back of the hunter's coat (fig. 6b). On the other 
the strap is fastened to the handle just above the 
splice (fig. 6a). The handles on both scoops are 
tapered to a rounded point with which, according 
to Birket-Smith ( 1 945, p. 1 74) and Jenness ( 1 946, 
p. 1 1 9), the hunter stabbed the eye of the seal when 
it was brought to the surface. Similar scoops are 
illustrated by Birket-Smith ( 1 945, p. 1 74, fig. 1 32), 
Jenness ( 1 946, p. 1 1 9, fig. 1 44), and Cadzow ( 1 920, 
pi. IXc). Breathing hole scoops of the same type 
were also used by the Netsilik (Taylor, 1974, pp. 

Dogs were used to sniff out a seal's breathing 
hole and the collection contains a swivel for leading 
a dog to the sealing ground. It consists of a flat, 
rectangular piece of antler with a hole in the center 
for a knobbed swivel of bone. A broad sealskin 
strap is attached at both ends of the flat antler 
piece and a short strip of the same material runs 

from the swivel with a small toggle at the end. The 
strap fitted over the hunter's wrist and the toggle 
was buttoned into a loop on the dog's harness (fig. 
8c). A similar swivel is described and illustrated 
by Jenness (1946, p. 122, fig. 149). 

The collection contains five seal indicators of 
ivory consisting of a long needle-like rod, at the 
top of which is a drilled eyelet of musk ox horn. 
A short length of sinew leads from the eyelet to 
paired holes in the center of a shorter rod. Origi- 
nally a small bone disc would have been fitted to 
the lower end of the long rod (fig. 9g). According 
to Jenness (1922, p. 1 13), when the hunter, with 
the aid of his dog, located a breathing hole, the 
long rod was pushed down the hole and allowed 
to rest against the snow at the side of the hole, 
which kept it from falling. The shorter rod was 
pegged into the snow. The slightest disturbance 
below the hole caused the long rod to dip but the 
short rod kept it from being lost in the hole. Seal 
indicators of the needle type are described and/or 
illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p. 49, fig. 2), Bir- 
ket-Smith (1945, pp. 174-175, fig. 133), Jenness 
(1946, p. 199, fig. 144), and Cadzow (1920, pp. 
16-17, pi. IXa) and for the Netsilik by Taylor 
(1974, pp. 91-92). 

Seal hooks are represented in the collection by 
the distal ends of three specimens contained to- 
gether in a caribou skin bag. The shaft sections of 
these hooks are of wood and slope at the proximal 
end with a lashing knob for the splice. At the distal 
end of two, heavy pieces of bone are spliced to the 
shaft and lashed with sealskin. A heavy iron hook 
protrudes from this bone piece (fig. 6c). On the 
third specimen the iron hook is lashed directly to 
the shaft section with sealskin (fig. 6d). The bag 
containing these hooks is made from two irregu- 
larly shaped pieces of caribou skin sewn with sinew 
(fig. 6g). Seal hooks like these have not been de- 
scribed for the Copper Inuit, but Mathiassen ( 1 928, 
p. 42, fig. 15, p. 44) described and illustrated a 
similar device from the Iglulik. When hafted to a 
wood shaft, they may have been used to drag the 
seal from its hole. 

Fishing— Jenness (1922, p. 152) noted that the 
fishing equipment of the Copper Inuit was very 
simple. Until relatively recent times, they had no 
nets. Lake trout, salmon trout, and tomcod {Mi- 
crogadus proximus) were taken with hook and line 
or speared with leisters. 

There were two forms o^ leisters, both of which 
are present in the Noice collection. The first, rep- 
resented by two examples, resembles a trident; 



they are complete except for most of the long wood 
shaft. The side prongs are of antler, asymmetri- 
cally barbed on both sides, cut for splicing at the 
proximal end on the outer side, and with a lashing 
knob. The center prong is symmetrically barbed 
on both sides, probably spatulate-shaped at the 
proximal end, and is fitted into a slot at the distal 
end of the shaft. All three prongs are lashed to the 
shaft with braided sinew (fig. 8a-b). 

In addition to these nearly complete trident leis- 
ters, the collection contains five leister side prongs 
and a single center prong of antler. Two of the side 
prongs have, in addition to the lashing knob, 
notches at the proximal end to improve the haft 
(fig. 9c,e). The center prong is spatulate-shaped at 
the proximal end and scored as an aid to hafting 
(fig. 9d). Similar trident leisters and prongs are 
described and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, 
pp. 178-179, fig. 138a) and Jenness (1946, pp. 
111-112, fig. 134b). According to Birket-Smith 
(1945, p. 178), this form of leister was also used 
by the Netsilik. 

The second leister form is represented in the 
collection by two side prongs of musk ox horn, 
curved and fitted on the inside at the distal end 
with barbs of copper. At the proximal end they 
are cut for splicing on the inner side with a lashing 
knob on the outer side. Sealskin lashing is present 
on one prong (fig. 8g). The center prong for this 
form of leister was usually of antler and similar to 
those on the trident leisters. Similar leisters of this 
second form are described and/or illustrated by 
Stefansson (1914, p. 83, fig. 27), Cadzow (1920, 
pi. II) and Jenness (1946, pp. 178-179, figs. 137, 
138b) and for the Netsilik by Taylor (1974, p. 83, 
pi. 9). According to Jenness (1946, p. Ill), the 
trident leister was preferred for migrating salmon 
trout that entered weirs constructed across streams, 
while the second leister form was used with a fish 
decoy to spear lake trout and salmon trout in lakes. 

Fishing with hook and line by the Copper Inuit 
is described in detail by Jenness (1922, pp. 152- 
1 55, fig. 50). The collection contains one complete 
fishing rod and turehook. The rod is a straight stick 
deeply notched at each end to receive the line of 
plaited sinew. According to Jenness ( 1 946, p. 1 06), 
caribou leg sinew was preferred for the line. Fas- 
tened to the end of the line is a lurehook with a 
semicircular antler shank and, at the distal end, a 
barbless hook of copper. On the flat side of the 
shank are fastened three vibrating triangular antler 
plates and three small strips of fringed sealskin 
that move in the water to attract the fish (fig. 9a). 
Lurehooks with vibrating decoys were used to jig 

for tomcod (Birket-Smith, 1945, p. 184). Fishing 
rod and lurehook assemblages like the one in the 
Noice collection are described and illustrated by 
Birket-Smith (1945, p. 180, fig. 139) and Jenness 
(1946, pp. 106-107, fig. 125). 

In addition to the fishing rod and lurehook, the 
collection contains four fish hooks. Three of these, 
with short hooks and antler shanks, were intended 
for hafting to an antler or bone extension of some 
kind as all are cut for splicing at the proximal end. 
One has a long lashing knob and a hook made 
from a commercial nail (fig. 9b). The second, with 
a short copper hook, was hafted with a bone peg, 
which is still in place (fig. 8d). The third, with an 
iron hook, has a hole for the hafting peg or rivet 
(fig. 90- These hooks were probably used in fishing 
for lake trout or salmon trout. The fourth fishhook 
is completely different. The shank is a polar bear's 
tooth with a commercial barbed iron hook. Strands 
of cut sealskin are inserted into the tooth in four 
places to serve as vibrating decoys (fig. 8e). This 
hook may have been a tomcod jig. 


Women's Tools— The collection contains a sin- 
gle woman 's knife, which conforms to the general 
structure of this type of knife among the Copper 
Inuit. There is a blade of iron that is straight for 
most of its width but curves slightly at the ends, 
a handle of musk ox horn, and a tang-like con- 
necting piece of antler attached to the blade with 
copper rivets and to the handle by being driven 
through a slot (fig. 10a). Stefansson (1914, p. 98) 
believed that the woman's knife of the Copper 
Inuit differed from those of tribes farther west in 
having blades with straight rather than curved cut- 
ting edges, but all the relevant sources describe 
and illustrate both types (Stefansson, 1914, p. 98, 
figs. 43-44; Cadzow, 1920, pi. VI; Birket-Smith, 
1945, pp. 263-264, pp. 171-172; Jenness, 1946, 
pp. 80-83, figs. 82, 85). According to Jenness (1946, 
pp. 82-83), the woman's knife, like other Inuit 
tools, was operated away from the body so that 
the user could see what she was cutting. Smaller 
knives, like the one in the Noice collection, were 
for cutting and trimming skins while the larger 
ones were employed for cutting meat. 

Skin scrapers were used to remove the fat and 
tissue from skins, and there are three types of 
scrapers in the Noice collection. Type 1, of which 
there are two, have handles of pronged antler and 
iron blades concave on the inner surface with 



curved working edges. On one the blade has an 
iron tang that fits into a groove at the distal end 
of the handle and is lashed with sinew (fig. 10c). 
On the second scarper the handle is lengthened 
slightly by an added piece of antler. The two pieces 
are spliced together with copper rivets and rivets 
of the same material fasten the blade to the handle. 
The proximal end of the handle on this scraper is 
notched on one side along the prong to fit the 
fingers. On the inner side of the handle are two 
circular depressions, which suggest that the im- 
plement may have been used as a drill base (fig. 
10b). According to Jenness (1946, p. 83), the han- 
dles of this type of skin scraper were nearly always 
forked, the branch prong preventing the hand from 
sliding forward. Similar skin scrapers are de- 
scribed and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p. 
1 20, fig. 73), Birket-Smith ( 1 945, pp. 209-2 1 0, fig. 
180c), and Jenness (1946, pp. 83-84, figs. 87-88). 

Type 2 skin scrapers, of which there are two in 
the collection, have wood handles and concave 
metal blades with curved working edges. The first 
has a curved wood handle with a depression on 
the front for the thumb, a groove on the back for 
the first finger, and grooves on the side for two 
fingers. The iron blade is fitted into a slot at the 
distal end of the handle (fig. lie). The second 
scraper has a straight wood handle wrapped with 
a strip of sealskin. The curved blade is of sheet tin 
that fits around the handle and is lashed with sinew 
(fig. lOg). 

The single type 3 skin scraper is a short section 
of musk ox horn hollowed out with a curved work- 
ing edge (fig. lOd). 

The collection contains a cut section of antler 
flat on one side and rounded on the other, which 
flares at one end. Since it is presumed that a metal 
blade would have been attached at the flaring end, 
the object is identified as a possible scraper handle, 
perhaps for a type 2 scraper (fig. lOe). 

After scraping, skins were stretched with skin 
stretchers, and there are two types of this imple- 
ment form in the Noice collection. The first, of 
which there are three examples, is made from the 
scapula of a musk ox with the articular surface 
modified to form a handle that extends out from 
the left side; the process on the back side has been 
removed (fig. lOi). Similar skin stretchers are de- 
scribed and illustrated by Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 20, 
fig. 74a), Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 209-210, fig. 
180a), and Jenness (1946, pp. 84-85, fig. 89). Bir- 
ket-Smith and Stefansson refer to these imple- 
ments as scrapers. 

Type 2 skin stretchers, of which there are two 

in the collection, are much thinner. The first is 
made from the femur of some small animal cut 
short and split. The condyle has been modified to 
form a handle (fig. lOh). The second appears to 
have been made from the split half of the mandible 
of a musk ox with the unmodified condyle forming 
the handle (fig. lOf). Similarly shaped stretchers, 
but made from split caribou femurs, are described 
and/or illustrated by Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 20, fig. 
74b), Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 209-210, fig. 180b), 
and Jenness (1946, pp. 85-86, fig. 90). 

A needle case, made from the metacarpal bone 
of a caribou, is ornamented with incised lines that, 
according to Jenness (1946, p. 91), are similar to 
the tattooed lines on women's faces (fig. 1 1 0- Sim- 
ilarly ornamented needle cases are illustrated by 
Stefansson (1914, p. 123, fig. 78), Birket-Smith 
(1945, p. 211, fig. 182b), and Jenness (1946, p. 
195, fig. 149a). 

The collection contains two sewing outfits, each 
quite distinctive. The first consists of a marrow 
extractor of musk ox horn to which is attached a 
narrow strip of sealskin fastened to a bone thimble. 
A copper needle is run through the sealskin strip 
and the whole is lashed to the marrow extractor 
with sinew for making thread (fig. 1 Ij). Copper 
needles are illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 93, fig. 

Also identified as a sewing outfit is a small, badly 
deteriorated sealskin bag with loops of sealskin at 
each end. Attached to one of these loops is a cres- 
cent-shaped antler belt toggle with a loop of plaited 
sealskin. A pair of threading needles, one of bone 
and the other of musk ox horn, are inserted through 
holes in the sealskin bag. Threading needles were 
used for threading a cord through holes in skin, 
especially for fastening together the front of a tent 
above the door (fig. 11a). They are sometimes 
identical to the pins used for closing a blood bag 
(Jenness, 1946, p. 96, fig. 103). Jenness (1946, p. 
50) noted that women's belt toggles were virtually 
identical to the toggles used for hauling seals and 
he believed that a toggle for hauling seals became 
a belt toggle at the end of the seal hunting season. 

Two thimbles are made from phalangeal bones 
of caribou. The upper end is open because only 
the side of the thimble and not the top was used 
(fig. 1 1 h). According to Jenness ( 1 946, p. 93), when 
steel needles were introduced they caused greater 
wear on the thimbles than the soft copper needles, 
and metal thimbles were then much in demand. 
Bone thimbles are illustrated by Birket-Smith 
(1945, p. 211, fig. 181). 

Marrow extractors were employed to remove 



the marrow from the long bones of caribou and 
musk ox. According to Jenness ( 1 946, pp. 95, 1 29), 
they were often attached to needle cases or carried 
by hunters in the bags that were part of their bow 
cases. They vary greatly in shape and some are 
almost identical to marlin spikes except for being 
of lighter construction and with the hole at the end 
rather than below the handle. The Noice collection 
contains three marrow extractors in addition to 
the one that is part of the sewing outfit previously 
described. Two are of bone and one of musk ox 
horn. Two are rounded at the distal end with small 
drilled holes at the proximal end for attachment 
to the needle case (fig. 1 Ib-c). The third is spat- 
ulate-shaped at the distal end and lacks a drilled 
line hole (fig. 1 Id). The proximal ends of all three 
are notched. An assortment of marrow extractors 
are illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 102, fig. 94). 
Men's Tools— The typical Inuit crooked or 
whittling knife is represented in the Noice collec- 
tion by a single example. It has a long antler han- 
dle, semicircular in cross section with a curved 
iron blade that extends well beyond the distal end 
of the handle and is attached with copper rivets. 
There is a line hole at the proximal end of the 
handle and another drilled hole on one side ap- 
proximately half way along its length for the at- 
tachment of a sharpener (fig. 1 2a). Crooked knives 
with iron blades are described and illustrated by 
Stefansson (1914, pp. 104-105, figs. 50-51), Bir- 
ket-Smith (1945, pp. 204-205, fig. 173), and Jen- 
ness (1946, pp. 98, 100, figs. 113-114). Jenness 
(1946, p. 100) described the crooked knife as fol- 

The Copper Eskimo held the knife low down with the 
hand directed inward, and the handle resting along the 
inner side of the forearm so that it fitted into the curve 
of the elbow. With the instrument thus pivoted on the 
elbow the forearm moved as one unit and the wrist re- 
mained perfectly still. Smaller whittling knives, even 
though their handles did not reach the elbow, were held 
in the same manner. 

A grooving tool was used for cutting grooves in 
bone, antler, and horn. The collection contains 
three such knives with short antler handles and 
iron blades that are inserted into slots in the han- 
dle. The blades are either notched at the end (fig. 
1 Ig) or have a short, pointed projection (figs. 1 li, 
1 3b). In addition to the complete grooving tools, 
the collection contains a grooving tool handle with 
the blade slit broken out, presumably indicating 
that the tool was broken in use (fig. 1 3e). Grooving 

tools are described and/or illustrated by Stefans- 
son (1914, p. 107, fig. 54), Birket-Smith (1945, p. 
205, fig. 174), and Jenness (1946, p. 101, fig. 115). 

The collection contains two examples of the or- 
dinary man's knife used for flensing and cutting 
snow. The first knife is the most typical and has 
a lancelate iron blade sharp along both edges. Be- 
tween the blade and the handle is an iron tang 
inserted into a slot in the distal end of the handle 
where it is held in place with a copper rivet. The 
handle shank is of bone and there is a flaring grip 
of antler, possibly pegged to the shank, but the 
haft is obscured by rawhide lashing, which begins 
through a hole in the butt and is wrapped around 
most of the shank to afford a better grip (fig. 1 3a). 
Knives of this type, some with copper blades, are 
described and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, 
pp. 100-101, figs. 47-49), Cadzow (1920, pi. Vb- 
c), Birket-Smith ( 1 945, pp. 202-203, fig. 1 70), and 
Jenness (1946, p. 97, figs. 107, 1 10). 

Early in the 20th century, steel knives of Euro- 
American manufacture were available to the Cop- 
per Inuit, most of which came from Great Bear 
Lake and regions to the west. The Inuit removed 
the handles from these knives and re-hafted them 
according to their own needs, leaving the blade 
intact (Jenness, 1946, p. 97). The second man's 
knife in the Noice collection is of this type. The 
blade has a single sharp edge and bears the maker's 
AIN CONN. U.S.A. The blade is inserted into a 
slot in a straight antler handle and held in place 
with an iron rivet; the handle is wrapped in the 
center with willow root (fig. 1 3c). Men's knives of 
this type are described and illustrated by Stefans- 
son (1914, p. 100, fig. 47), Birket-Smith (1945, p. 
202, fig. 169b), and Jenness (1946, p. 97, fig. 

The Copper Inuit used the typical three-piece 
drilling set consisting of a bow, drill shank, and 
mouthpiece. The collection does not contain a 
complete set, but there are parts of several sets. 
Two drill bows of caribou rib are drilled at each 
end for the attachment of a strap of depilated seal- 
skin (fig. 1 3g). There are three drill shanks of wood 
rounded at the proximal end for insertion into the 
mouthpiece. The bits for the three and their meth- 
ods of hafting are different in each case. On the 
first, the bit, a long nail, is inserted into a wedge- 
shaped piece of musk ox horn spliced to the shank 
and wrapped with sinew (fig. 1 30- The second is 
hafted in a similar fashion, but the wedge-shaped 
piece is of bone and the bit, a nail, is much shorter. 



The third shank has a short bit inserted directly 
into the shank, the distal end of which is covered 
with a metal sleeve, probably part of a rifle car- 
tridge (fig. 1 3d). A single drill mouthpiece is a car- 
ibou astragalus. Since the rim is low on one side, 
a bone peg has been inserted to raise the level of 
the rim at this point, thus preventing the shank 
from slipping out when it is rotated with the bow 
(fig. 1 It). Complete drilling sets are described and 
illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p. 106, fig. 52a- 
c, p. 109, fig. 60), Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 206- 
207, fig. 176). and Jenness (1946, pp. 101-102, 
fig. 1 1 6). Jenness ( 1 946, p. 1 02, fig. 1 1 8) described 
and illustrated a drill mouthpiece made from a 
caribou astragalus. 

Three handsaws with toothed steel blades made 
from commercial saws have antler handles. The 
first is a short handle to one side of which the 
blade is attached with iron rivets. The blade is 
bent over the back of the handle (fig. 12c). Birket- 
Smith (1945, p. 207, fig. 177) described and illus- 
trated a similar saw. The second has a somewhat 
longer handle with a knob at the proximal end. 
The blade is attached along the side with four iron 
rivets (fig. 12d). Similar saws are illustrated by 
Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 07, fig. 5 5). On the third saw 
the blade is inserted in the end of a sharply curved 
handle and held in place with a pair of iron rivets 
(fig. 12b). 

A file has been formed by inserting the rat tail 
tang of the upper half of a commercial implement 
into a narrow antler handle that flares at the distal 
end. At the proximal end of the handle is a drilled 
hole through which is inserted a short length of 
twisted sinew (fig. 1 2f ). 

The single complete adze in the collection has 
an iron blade lashed directly to a wood handle 
with lashing holes; the lashing is with rawhide 
thongs. Covering the distal end of the blade is a 
sealskin sheath lashed with rawhide thongs and 
held in place by thongs that are inserted through 
one of the lashing holes in the handle (fig. 14b). 
Similar adzes are described and illustrated by Bir- 
ket-Smith (1945, pp. 205-206, fig. 175b) and Jen- 
ness (1946, pp. 102-103, fig. 119b,d). 

A second typ)e of adze has a blade wedged into 
a separate head of bone, antler, or musk ox horn. 
This type is represented by a single adze head and 
blade. The blade, crudely cut from a large iron 
fragment, is inserted into the distal end of an antler 
head with a broad, deep lashing groove (fig. 1 2g). 
Complete adzes of this typ>e are described and il- 
lustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 205-206, fig. 

175a) and Jenness (1946, pp. 102-103, fig. 119a,c). 
Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 08, fig. 56) illustrated a head 
and blade closely resembling the one described 

Identified as a pick is a narrow, long, crudely 
worked iron blade with a rounded tip lashed along 
the flat face of a wood handle. The handle, which 
is broken at the proximal end and sharply recessed 
along more than half its length, has a lashing knob 
and a single lashing hole. The blade is attached to 
the handle with thick rawhide thongs, and a strip 
of sealskin has been inserted around the blade 
where it meets the face of the handle (fig. 14a). 

The collection contains four bags that have been 
identified as men's tool bags. Two were evidently 
intended for a quiver and are made of depilated 
sealskin stitched up one side with sinew and with 
a separate piece attached on the side where the 
opening occurs. The opening, extending somewhat 
less than half the length of the bag, can be closed 
with loops of plaited sinew (fig. 1 4d). Birket-Smith 
(1945, pp. 208-209) described a similar bag and 
its contents. The third bag, in poor condition, is 
made from a whole ground squirrel (Citellus sp.) 
skin sewn up one side with sinew (fig. 14c). This 
bag resembles in size and shape a tool bag of fish 
skin from the Netsilik described and illustrated by 
Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 109, fig. 75). About all 
that can be said concerning the fourth bag, also in 
poor condition, is that it appears to have been 
made from a whole marten (Martes americana) 
skin. The opening seems to have been between the 
back legs of the animal. The identification of this 
container as a tool bag is questionable. Marten 
skins would have been obtained from wooded ar- 
eas south and west of Coronation Gulf 

Household Equipment 

The tinder used in starting a flame on the moss 
wick of an oil lamp was the wool of bog cotton 
{Eriophorum angustofolium), which was kept in a 
small bird's foot bag made from the split feet of 
waterfowl. The collection contains one such bag, 
probably made from a swan's foot. It is in poor 
condition but appears to have been made without 
a separate bottom (fig. 1 5a). Similar bags are de- 
scribed and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 
1 93-1 94, 20 1 , fig. 1 68) and Jenness ( 1 946, pp. 55, 
64, fig. 49, p. 58). 

Since Jenness (1946, p. 58) noted that most of 
the cooking "was done on lamps not less than 24 



inches [61 cm] long," the single soapstone lamp 
in the Noice collection was presumably used for 
heat and light, primarily the latter. This lamp is 
semicircular in shape and the sides are nearly 
straight. On the inside the front edge or lip has a 
pronounced slope down into the well while at the 
back the slope is considerably less; the well of the 
lamp is flat. Unlike many Copper Inuit lamps, this 
one has no partitions (fig. 1 5b). According to Jen- 
ness (1946, p. 59), smaller lamps were made by 
women and the large ones by men, who then turned 
them over to the housewife to become her exclu- 
sive property. 

Blubber was stored in sealskin bags, and before 
use in the oil lamp it was pounded with a blubber 
pounder made of musk ox horn. The collection 
contains a single pounder made from the distal 
end of the horn. On the concave side at the prox- 
imal end there are four half-round notches for the 
fingers (fig. 16d). Identical blubber pounders are 
described and illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p. 
76, fig. 22), Birket-Smith (1945, p. 194, fig. 157), 
and Jenness (1946, pp. 69-70, fig. 63). 

According to Jenness (1946, p. 70), dippers or 
drinking ladles were found in every household, but 
hunters in the field never carried them. There are 
three examples in the Noice collection that seem 
to represent the range of sizes mentioned in the 
literature. The largest is made from the proximal 
end of a musk ox horn that flares at the distal end. 
It is deep and has a small upturned handle. This 
dipper has been repaired in three places with metal 
and ivory plates attached with copper rivets (fig. 
15d). The other two dippers are much smaller. 
Both are very deep, but one is narrow and nearly 
rectangular (fig. 1 5e), while the other flares some- 
what at the distal end (fig. 15c); both have up- 
turned handles. Horn dippers are described and/ 
or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, pp. 72-73, figs. 
1 4, 1 7), Cadzow ( 1 920, pi. XI), Birket-Smith ( 1 945, 
pp. 196-197, fig. 1 6 la-d), and Jenness (1946, pp. 
70-71, figs. 64-66). Stefansson identified the 
smaller examples as spoons, and Birket-Smith de- 
scribed specimens of all sizes as soup ladles. The 
large dippers illustrated by Stefansson and Cadzow 
are repaired with plates and rivets in the same 
manner as the one described here. Stefansson 
( 1 9 1 4, p. 69) noted that blood soup, which formed 
the last course of every cooked meal, was always 
drunk from ox horn dippers. 

Jenness (1946, p. 76, fig. 78) noted that snow 
knives of antler or bone were used by women to 
chop up blocks of snow in the cooking pot. The 
collection contains two snow knives of split antler 

tines that are curved and flattened at the distal end 
(fig. 15f-g). Birket-Smith (1945, p. 190, fig. 152c) 
described and illustrated a similar snow knife along 
with a man's knife with a metal blade and seems 
to suggest that both were used to cut blocks for 
the snow house. Jenness made no mention of their 
use for this purpose but noted that a woman some- 
times used her antler snow knife to chop snow for 
filling in the gaps between the snow blocks while 
her husband finished building the dwelling. 

A water bag is made of tanned sealskin and has 
a handle of the same material. The bottom is a 
separate piece, and there are separate pieces near 
the opening; sewing is with sinew (fig. 16a). Jen- 
ness (1946, p. 74, fig. 74) illustrated a similar bag 
and noted that their usual capacity was slightly 
more than one gallon. Ice that formed on the side 
of the bag was broken loose by hammering on the 
outside with a stick. 

An oval clothing bag in poor condition is similar 
to those described and illustrated by Jenness ( 1 946, 
p. 78, fig. 8 1 b). It is made of caribou leg skins sewn 
vertically with sinew and with the hair retained. 
The bottom is of tanned sealskin. The opening is 
in the center, and there are sealskin thongs laced 
across the top. According to Jenness, ( 1 946, p. 79), 
in summer these bags, intended for spare clothing, 
were cached on high rocks where they could not 
be disturbed by foxes (Alopex lagopus). In winter 
they were stored under the bed or hung outside 
the house. 

In addition to the bags already described, the 
Noice collection contains four small bags, the spe- 
cific use of which is uncertain. The first is oval in 
shape, made of intestine, and contains dried grass 
or sedge (fig. 1 6b); it is probably a bag for tinder 
like the previously described bird's foot bag. The 
second bag is made of a single piece of depilated 
sealskin sewn up both sides. There is a strip of 
plaited sinew at the top to tie the opening (fig. 
16c). A pouch-like bag of caribou hide with the 
hair inside is made of one large piece and a smaller 
patch. At the opening is a long strip of plaited 
sinew that served as a tie (fig. 1 60- The fourth bag, 
made of three pieces of depilated sealskin includ- 
ing a separate bottom and sewn with sinew, ap- 
pears to have been cut off'at the top and is probably 
not complete. It is heavily encrusted and may have 
contained oil or blubber (fig. 16a). 


For the Copper Inuit, caribou skins were the 
preferred material for clothing. The superiority of 



caribou skin derives primarily from its insulating 
properties, which allow the body to maintain ther- 
mal balance (Stenton, 1991, p. 4). The seasonal 
variation in the utility of caribou skin for clothing 
regulates the procurement strategies of Inuit hunt- 
ers. The annual shedding of the outer and inner 
layer hairs begins in early spring and continues 
through the early summer. During this molting 
period the skins are not suitable for clothing. The 
skins are also not suitable because of infestation 
of the parasitic warble fly (Oedemagena tarandi). 
In early August exit holes made by the larvae have 
healed. By late fall and throughout the winter the 
hair is too thick for use in clothing except for over- 
coats. Thus the period of peak clothing utility is 
in September and October (Stenton, 1991, pp. 4- 
6). In contrast to other Inuit in the Central Arctic, 
the Copp>er Inuit preferred to harvest finely haired 
caribou skins for their clothing (DriscoU, 1983, p. 

Jenness (1946, p. 1 1) summarized the clothing 
needs of the Copfjer Inuit as follows: 

Excluding the outer shoes, which were made of sealskin, 
it required no less than seven caribou hides to furnish 
the adult Copper Eskimo with one complete suit of cloth- 
ing for winter travel; and every man really needed two 
suits, besides a raincoat and special footgear for the spring 
and summer months. In winter, his costume comprised 
two frocks or coats . . . worn one inside the other, the 
fur of the inner against his body; an overcoat . . . , when- 
ever the weather demanded it; two pairs of breeks [trou- 
sers] .... worn in the same way as the coats, two pairs 
of stockings worn similarly, and reaching to just below 
the knees . . . ; a pair of caribou fur slippers . . . between 
the stockings; and low sealskin shoes ... as final covering 
for the feet. A pair of mittens completed the outfit. The 
overcoat, unlike the outer garments, which were fash- 
ioned from summer skins, was made from the heavy 
winter coat of the caribou, and generally required two 
full skins for its manufacture. Of the two ordinary coats 
. . . , the outer . . . also required the greater part of two 
skins because of its ornamental pattern, but the inner 
coat . . . could usually be made from one hide. Two more 
hides, with the fragments left over from the coats, gen- 
erally sufficed for the breeks, footgear, and mittens. 

One of the particular advantages of caribou skin 
for clothing is its light weight. A complete set of 
clothing weighed between 3.0 and 4.5 kg. How- 
ever, the long guard hairs break off easily and de- 
crease the insulative efficiency of a garment (Sten- 
ton, 1991, p. 9). According to Jenness (1928, p. 
153), a winter outfit could last up to three years, 
but others suggest that under normal circumstanc- 
es winter garments were replaced every year, and 
more frequently if skins were plentiful (Stenton, 
1991, p. 9). 

Men's Clothing— The Noice collection con- 
tains three coats identified in the catalog as men's 
outer parkas. Copper Inuit seamstresses did not 
always use the same pattern in sewing parkas. The 
seams varied according to the shapes and sizes of 
skins available, a fact that is evident in the parkas 
described in this study. Outer parkas were well 
tailored, and on most garments narrow strips of 
white caribou fur were used to articulate important 
design features. The shoulders were always broad 
to allow the arms to be easily withdrawn from the 
sleeves. All the parkas in the Noice collection, both 
men's and women's, are sewn with sinew. Another 
regular feature is a narrow tape of depilated car- 
ibou skin sewn along most borders, especially 
around the tail, to prevent the borders from rolling 

The pattern of the first parka, because of dec- 
orative insertions, is fairly complex. The back piece 
extends from the tail up the middle back to the 
area of the neck where it is joined to a piece with 
a long extension that forms the back of the hood. 
The front piece covers the chest and extends over 
the shoulders and around the sides, where it is 
joined to the back piece. The sides of the hood are 
formed of a separate piece. Each sleeve is formed 
essentially of a separate piece sewn up one side, 
but they are extended by an additional piece around 
the upper arm and gussets in the under arm areas 
(fig. 17). 

The decorative inserts on this parka are fairly 
simple. A broad band of white fur extends around 
the tail and continues around the front. A much 
narrower band, sewn to an intervening narrow taF>e 
of skin, is sewn along borders, and from it extends 
pairs of long decorative strands of tanned skin. 
These are cut in sets of three from a single piece 
of skin. According to Driscoll ( 1 987, p. 1 78), these 
strands were replaced every spring in anticipation 
of the return of the caribou. There are strips of 
white fur around the upper arm, around the hood 
opening, and in the seam that separates the front 
of the hood from the back (figs. 18-19). 

The basic pattern of the second parka is essen- 
tially the same as that of the garment just described 
except that the hood, in addition to back and side 
pieces, has small gussets near the neck on each 
side; there is a strip of white fur around the open- 
ing. Each sleeve consists of two large pieces with 
a number of small additions and a pair of added 
strips around the upF>er arms which include some 
white fur. Between the shoulder blades is a short, 
rectangular strip ending in a tuft of white fur, a 
characteristic feature mentioned by Jenness ( 1 946, 



p. 12) and believed by Driscoll (1987, p. 178) to 
be a symbolic reference to the caribou tail. A strip 
of white fur extends around the borders (fig. 20). 

The decorative insertions of white fur on this 
parka include a narrow strip that follows the con- 
tour of the tail and two broad panels from the 
underbelly of the caribou on the front (figs. 21- 
22). Issenman (1985, p. 106) noted that this "ven- 
tral mane, under which beats the great heart of the 
caribou, covers the chest of the hunter . . ." and 
is an example of animal-human bonding. The ears 
of the caribou, often left on the hood (Jenness, 
1 946, p. 1 2; Stefansson, 1914, fig. 66b), but absent 
from the men's outer parkas in the collection, are 
also a symbolic reference to the close relationship 
between men and animals. 

The third parka is undecorated, and the back 
and most of the hood is a single piece of skin. Both 
features, according to Jenness (1946, p. 11), are 
characteristic of inner parkas. The rounded shoul- 
ders and front are cut from a second piece that is 
filled out along the lower end with a semicircular 
inset. Additional pieces cover the neck and the 
lower part of the front of the hood. Each sleeve 
consists basically of a single piece sewn up one 
side, but there are additional pieces in the area of 
the underarms. A narrow strip of white fur is sewn 
around the hood opening (figs. 23-24). 

Outer parkas similar to those in the Noice col- 
lection are described and illustrated by Stefansson 
(1914, pp. 114-117, figs. 66-67), Birket-Smith 
(1945, pp. 142-144, figs. 100-101), Jenness(1917, 
fig. 5; 1946, pp. 11-17, frontispiece, figs. 3-6), 
Rasmussen ( 1 932, opp. p. 49), and Driscoll (1987, 
p. 179, fig. 163, p. 186, fig. 171). 

In addition to the style of outer and inner parkas 
just described, the Copper Inuit also wore an over- 
coat cut from heavy, long-haired caribou skins that 
could be put on over the inner and/or outer parkas 
when the wind was blowing, when traveling, or 
when hunting seals at breathing holes. This heavy 
coat was nearly as long in front as in back and was 
usually undecorated (Stefansson, 1914, pp. 114, 
117; Jenness, 1922, p. 204, fig. 58; 1946, p. 17; 
Rasmussen, 1932, opp. p. 80). Overcoats were 
necessary because of the fine-haired, thin skins the 
Copper Inuit preferred for their parkas (Driscoll, 
1983, p. 81). 

The Noice collection contains one such overcoat 
that consists of a back piece extending to form 
most of the hood and a front piece that includes 
the front of the shoulders. Separate pieces have 
been added to the front of the hood to protect the 
neck and chin. Each sleeve is a separate piece sewn 

up the side, and there is a strip of white fur around 
the hood opening (fig. 25). 

In winter men wore two pairs of caribou skin 
trousers. In summer only the inner trousers were 
worn; they were usually made of heavier fur than 
the outer garment (Jenness, 1946, p. 17). Accord- 
ing to Stefansson (1914, pp. 117, 246), trousers 
reached three inches below the knee and were worn 
well up to the lower edge of the sternum. 

The Noice collection contains two pairs of men's 
outer trousers. Both consist basically of four pieces 
sewn together at the sides and down the median 
line with sinew. There are gussets at the crotch and 
waist. One pair has a drawstring around the waist 
that ties in front; the other lacks a drawstring. Both 
trousers are ornamented with white fur on the legs. 
On one pair there are two narrow bands above a 
wide edging. Strands of depilated skin hang from 
both bands (fig. 26). On the other there are narrow 
bands of brown and white fur just above the white 
edging and a single band of white almost at the 
level of the crotch (fig. 27). Trousers similar to 
these are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith 
(1945, pp. 146-147, fig. 103) and Jenness (1946, 
pp. 17, 20, fig. 9). 

As noted previously, in winter men wore two 
pairs of stockings that reached just below the knees: 
an inner pair with the fur next to the skin and an 
outer pair with the fur outside. The collection con- 
tains a single pair of outer stockings, the tops of 
which are made from the light-colored area of car- 
ibou leg skins sewn vertically with sinew. The feet 
are made from the darker area of leg skins and are 
sewn together from several small pieces. A casing 
of dehaired caribou skin is sewn around the top 
to hold the drawstring of plaited sinew (fig. 28a). 
Similar outer stockings are described by Jenness 
(1946, pp. 25-26). 

The collection also contains a pair of badly worn 
dance stockings, another form of outer stocking 
that was usually not worn when hunting. All the 
leg is encircled by narrow, parallel bands in three 
colors— white, red, and black. The white bands 
are of clipped caribou fur, the black of dehaired 
sealskin, and the red of ocher-stained, dehaired 
sealskin. Below these bands is an area of clipped 
brown caribou fur with a narrow band from which 
hang short strands of dehaired caribou skin. A 
broad strip of white skin vertical to the parallel 
bands is sewn into the outside of each leg. The feet 
of these stockings are in especially poor condition 
but appear to have been made of caribou skin with 
the fur on the outside. They have a single median 
and heel seam. There is a drawstring of plaited 



sinew around the top (fig. 29). Similar dance stock- 
ings are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith 
(1945, pp. 147-148, fig. 104) and Jenness (1946, 
pp. 25-26, fig. 14). 

Socks were worn by men and women between 
the outer and inner stocking and, according to Jen- 
ness (1946, p. 27), were usually made fi-om the 
thick, winter coat of the caribou. The collection 
contains one sock shaped from a single piece of 
skin with a seam from toe to instep and up the 
heel (fig. 28b). 

Jenness (1946, p. 24) described "a hybrid type 
of boot which had the sealskin foot of a waterboot 
but a leg of caribou fur . . . ." Boots of this type 
were worn in early spring and late fall, water boots 
being worn from June to October. The collection 
contains a single pair of spring and fall boots with 
the legs made from caribou leg skin. The soles are 
made of bleached and dehaired bearded sealskin, 
and the instep is covered with two pieces of de- 
haired sealskin with the seam running down the 
center. The soles are reinforced with patches that, 
according to Jenness (1946, p. 24), required re- 
placement every two or three days when traveling 
over stony ground. There is a casing for a draw- 
string at the top of each boot (fig. 30). 

Shoes of bleached sealskin were worn by both 
men and women over the outer stockings and 
around camp in summer; there were two types. 
The type 1 sealskin shoes, of which there are two 
pairs in the collection, are the simplest in con- 
struction. The upper part covering the instep was 
made of a single piece attached to the sole by a 
seam running around the edge of the foot (fig. 3 1 b). 
Type 2 shoes have the sole crimped over the toes 
and the edges joined to an inverted V-shaped piece 
of unbleached sealskin over the instep. There is 
one pair of type 2 shoes in the collection (fig. 31a). 
In both types of shoes the sole was turned up over 
the heel, split, and one or more triangular sections 
removed, then sewn together again and, on two 
pairs, covered with a patch. 

A casing of sealskin was sewn around the top of 
the shoe to hold the drawstring of plaited sinew. 
Two large patches of sealskin cover most of the 
soles of all three pairs, giving added protection. 
Jenness ( 1 946, p. 22) noted that these patches must 
be sewn on with concealed stitches that catch only 
on the underside so that they will not fray and 
break. If the wearer expected to walk on glare ice 
or firmly packed snow, a narrow curving patch 
was added to allow for a more secure foothold. 
These "creeper" patches occur on one pair of type 
1 shoes (fig. 3 1 b). Sealskin shoes like those in the 

Noice collection are described and illustrated by 
Stefansson (1914, p. 119, fig. 69), Birket-Smith 
(1945, pp. 148-149, fig. 105b), and Jenness (1946, 
pp. 21-22, fig. 10). 

Copper Inuit mittens for both men and women, 
made of summer caribou skins, were of two types. 
Type 1 is very short and covers the hands, leaving 
the wrists bare. Some mittens of this type had long- 
haired fringes of white fur, which afforded some 
protection for the wrists. In addition to these short, 
everyday mittens, each man had a pair of longer 
mittens (type 2) made from caribou leg skins that 
reached to the middle of the forearm and had a 
drawstring at the top. These mittens were worn 
when building a snow house (Jenness, 1946, p. 
3 1 ). Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 117) described this type 
as reaching to the elbow. 

The Noice collection contains three pairs of type 
1 mittens and three single mittens. All but one 
have been cut out in three pieces and sewn with 
sinew. One piece includes the palm and half the 
thumb, the second the front of the wrist and the 
back of the thumb, and the third the entire back 
of the mitten. With the exception of one pair, all 
the type 1 mittens have fringes of white fur (fig. 
32a-c). On one of the single mittens, the palm and 
front of the thumb is constructed of several small 
pieces of depilated caribou skin and sewn with 
thread (fig. 33c). The two pairs of type 2 mittens, 
constructed in the same manner as those of type 
1 , lack the drawstring mentioned by Jenness and 
Stefansson and do not have fringes (fig. 33a-b). 

Women's Clothing— Men's and women's par- 
kas were stylistically similar, but there were certain 
features that distinguished the two. The shoulders 
of women's parkas were greatly enlarged, and the 
hood was enlarged to accommodate an infant, who 
could be moved from the hood to the breast with- 
out being removed from the warmth of the parka. 
Most significant, perhaps, was the presence of a 
triangular piece of fur, usually with white inser- 
tions, in the center front of the woman's parka 
(Jenness, 1946, pp. 34-35, fig. 27). This triangular 
piece has been described by Driscoll ( 1 987, p. 1 82) 
as a symbol of procreation and maternity. 

The Noice collection contains three garments 
that have been identified as outer parkas. The first 
of these has a relatively simple pattern, and its 
obvious seams and inferior fur suggest that it may 
be an inner parka. The front and back are essen- 
tially a single piece with an opening for attachment 
of the hood. The tail is extended with a separate 
piece. A separate triangular piece is inserted in the 
back and the previously mentioned symbolic piece 



of the same shape is attached to the front. Each 
sleeve is two pieces sewn up the sides. The hood 
has the most complex pattern, consisting of 13 
separate pieces (fig. 34). This outer parka is un- 
decorated except for strips of white fur around the 
cuffs and hood opening (fig. 35). 

The pattern of the second parka is quite differ- 
ent. The tail is essentially a single piece, although 
there is a seam up the center and a small triangular 
insert. The front piece has two long extensions that 
attach to the sides of the tail. The sleeves consist 
of two pieces sewn up the sides and gussets in the 
underarm area. The sides of the hood are two large 
pieces, and the back consists of a number of small 
pieces (fig. 36). 

The decorative insertions on this parka include 
a band of white fur around the rectangular back 
tail from which extend narrow strips of white fur 
cut in pairs. A similar band with fringes extends 
across the front including the characteristic tri- 
angular piece. Four paired, wider strips of white 
fur extend from caribou ears that have been sewn 
on just below the shoulders. There are three bands 
of white fur on the sleeves just above the cuffs. 
Paired strands of white fur extend from a seam at 
the back of the hood (indicated by dots on the 
pattern drawing), and there is a white fringe around 
the hood opening (figs. 37-38). 

The pattern of the third parka is somewhat sim- 
ilar in that the back piece extends to the hood and 
the front includes extensions that reach down both 
sides. A number of small pieces fill out the basic 
pattern. The sleeves are two pieces sewn up the 
sides with gussets in the underarm area. The hood 
has two large side pieces and a number of smaller 
ones toward the back (fig. 39). 

This outer parka is the most elaborately deco- 
rated of the three. There is a broad band of white 
fur around the outer edge of the tail and across 
the front from which extend paired narrow strips 
of white fur. A much narrower band of white fur 
follows the contours of the outer tail panel. Paired 
strips of white fur extend from caribou ears placed 
over the shoulder blades as on the previously de- 
scribed parka. There are two broad, white panels 
on the chest and below them narrow inset strips 
of white fur that extend down into the triangular 
piece. Four white bands on the sleeves are placed 
just above the cuffs. On the hood a band of white 
fur extends around the opening and continues to 
the top. Narrower bands also occur on the back 
of the hood, and paired narrow bands of fur (in- 
dicated by dots on the pattern drawing) extend 
from a seam in this area (figs. 40-4 1 ). 

Women's outer parkas similar to those in the 
Noice collection are described and/or illustrated 
by Jenness (1917, fig. 4; 1922, frontispiece, pis. 
viii-ix; 1946, pp. 34-35, figs. 27-28), Birket-Smith 
(1945, pp. 152-153, fig. 110), Damas (1984, p. 
411, fig. 16a), Rasmussen (1932, opp. p. 64), and 
DriscoU (1987, p. 182, fig. 166). 

Women's trousers were cut the same as those 
of men, but since women's stockings covered more 
of the leg, their trousers are shorter. The collection 
contains a single pair of outer trousers that consist 
of four pieces sewn together down the middle and 
laterally. In the middle of the front is the char- 
acteristic triangular gusset of white fur, and run- 
ning down the outside of each leg are four longi- 
tudinal strips of clipped white and brown fur. In 
the center of each white strip is a narrow strip of 
depilated, ocher-stained sealskin. There is no 
drawstring, but at the back near the waist are two 
holes, possibly for a sealskin thong with loop and 
toggle (fig. 42). Women's outer trousers are de- 
scribed and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 
155-156, fig. lUa-b) and Jenness (1946, p. 37, 
fig. 29). 

The inner and outer stockings worn by Copper 
Inuit women differed considerably from those worn 
by men. They fit tightly around the ankle and then 
flared rapidly upward toward the knee. The outer 
side of the stocking then tapered to form a wide 
strap that was looped over the belt holding up the 
trousers. The Noice collection contains a single 
pair of women's stockings that, although the fur is 
on the outside, are identified in the catalog as inner 
stockings. They are undecorated except for a white 
strip around the opening (fig. 43). The pattern con- 
sists of many irregularly shaped pieces, and Jen- 
ness ( 1 946, p. 26) noted that since the inner stock- 
ings for both men and women did not need to be 
attractive, they were often pieced together from 
sections of old coats or sleeping skins. The feet 
were generally made of caribou leg skins, but this 
does not appear to be the case with the stockings 
described here. Women's inner and outer stock- 
ings are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson 
(1914, p. 116, fig. 68), Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 
156-157, fig. 112a-b), and Jenness (1946, p. 37, 
figs. 31-32). 


The Noice collection contains two female dolls 
without arms made of depilated caribou skin and 
stuffed with small twigs and strips of skin; both 



are in very poor condition. The first doll is wearing 
trousers with the typical decorative strips down 
the sides but is otherwise undressed. What appears 
to be a pair of mittens are sewn to the doll just 
above the trousers. Sewn to the head are a pair of 
braids of human hair, and the face is made of white 
depilated skin on which features and tattooing are 
incised (fig. 44d). The tattooing resembles the fe- 
male designs illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 53, 
fig. 44). Accompanying this doll is a single wom- 
an's stocking (fig. 44h). The second doll is un- 
dressed with a length of sinew wrapped around the 
waist. It also has a face of depilated skin on which 
features and tattooing are incised (fig. 44i). Similar 
dolls are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith 
(1945, pp. 213-214, fig. 186) and Jenness (1922, 
p. 2 1 9; 1 946, p. 54, fig. 1 86), who noted that while 
dolls were primarily playthings, the cutting and 
sewing of doll clothing was considered an impor- 
tant part of a girl's education. 

The well-known and widely distributed Inuit 
ring and pin game is represented in the collection 
by a single example made from the humerus of a 
bearded seal. A single hole is drilled in the center 
of the smaller articular surface and multiple holes 
occur in the larger surface as well as down one 
side. A length of sinew is attached to the bone 
toward the center with an ivory pin at the opposite 
end (fig. 44g). The purpose of the game is to toss 
the pin so that it lands upright in one of the holes. 
Ring and pin games are described and/or illus- 
trated by Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 24, fig. 82), Birket- 
Smith (1945, p. 213, fig. 184), and Jenness (1922, 
pp. 220-221; 1946, pp. 141-142, fig. 183). 

The collection contains a single antler comb with 
seven teeth and a small hole at the proximal end 
for attachment to the needle case (fig. 44b). Both 
Stefansson (1914, pp. 121, 126, fig. 83c-d) and 
Jenness ( 1 946, pp. 50-5 1 , fig. 42a) noted that combs 
were not widely used by Copp>er Inuit women, 
who, when they arranged their hair at all, braided 
it into two small braids. Both authors and Birket- 
Smith (1945, p. 159, fig. 115) illustrated combs 
similar to the one described here. 

Attached to the front crossbar of a sled was the 
sled toggle, which supported the stress of the trac- 
es. The collection contains one such toggle of musk 
ox horn to which a length of heavy rawhide with 
a loop at each end is attached. This rawhide strap 
is held in place in the toggle line hole by a pair of 
wood plugs. When in use, each end of the strap 
was passed through holes in the runner below the 
front crossbar and then over the projecting ends 
of this bar. Accompanying this sled toggle is a 

caribou skin container with a series of holes at the 
opening for a drawstring (fig. 44a,c). Jenness (1946, 
p. 1 37, fig. 177) described and illustrated a similar 
sled toggle and noted that the ones he observed 
were invariably made of musk ox horn. Birket- 
Smith (1945, p. 184, fig. 145a) also described and 
illustrated a sled toggle but without the attached 
rawhide strap. 

The collection contains a loon 's head pendant, 
including the bird's neck (Gavia arctica), from 
which are suspended narrow strips of depilated 
skin (fig. 441). According to Jenness (1946, p. 29, 
fig. 22), a loon's head and neck, split so that the 
bill projected upward, was sometimes attached to 
a dancing cap. Birket-Smith (1945, p. 150, fig. 107) 
and Driscoll (1987, figs. 176-177, p. 190) also il- 
lustrated dancing caps with a loon's head pendant 

Raw Materials 

Two small and one large musk ox horns have 
been cut off evenly at the wide end (fig. 44e), pos- 
sibly for the eventual manufacture of drinking 
horns like those illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 
71, fig. 67). 

Although described in the catalog as "grass 
bunches," two dense cushions of floral material 
are, in fact, dried moss (Dicranum elongatum) used 
for lamp wicks (Stefansson, 1914, p. 69, fig. 20, p. 

III. Conclusions 

The student of Copper Inuit material culture is 
fortunate to have, for comparative purposes, the 
pioneering study made by Diamond Jenness 
(1946). This study is based primarily on a collec- 
tion of 2,500 objects obtained around the west end 
of Coronation Gulf and on southwestern Victoria 
Island when Jenness was a member of the Southern 
Division of the Canadian Arctic Expedition (1913- 
1916). His collection comprises a significant por- 
tion of the ethnographic collections of the Cana- 
dian Museum of Civilization, Ottawa (S. E. Jen- 
ness, 1991, p. 697). Presumably also included in 
Jenness's study were the collections made by Ste- 
fansson as leader of the Northern Division of the 
Canadian Arctic Expedition (1913-1918). These 
collections are also in the museum in Ottawa. Al- 
though in his monograph Jenness described in 



considerable detail numerous artifact classes of 
Copper Inuit material culture, he did not refer to 
specific cataloged objects except in illustrations, 
nor did he provide a complete inventory of the 
collection on which his study is based. This would 
be available from the museum's catalog inventory. 
Jenness observed that in 1914, when the 
Southern Division established its headquarters at 
Bernard Harbor in Dolphin and Union Strait, "the 
natives preserved their old culture virtually un- 
impaired" (Jenness, 1946, p. 1). The only observ- 
able change resulting from a few earlier contacts 
with explorers was the availability of a large amount 
of iron, which the Copper Inuit hammered cold 
just as they had prepared the native copper avail- 
able in their territory. Iron took the place of copper 
in the manufacture of knives, adze blades, harpoon 
blades, and needles. At the beginning of the ex- 
pedition's work, only five men possessed rifles, 
and they were unable to use them for lack of am- 
munition. Most hunters observed by Jenness used 
bows and arrows tipped with bone or antler, cop- 
per, or iron. Some tools continued to have copper 
blades, and all cooking of meat was accomplished 
in soapstone vessels. Fur clothing was worn ex- 
clusively by both men and women (Jenness, 1946, 

p. 1). 

The ten years following the departure of the Ca- 
nadian Arctic Expedition was a period of profound 
change for Copper Inuit material culture. Native 
copper came to be used only for rivets, all hunters 
were armed with high-powered, repeating rifles, 
tools had steel or iron blades, and metal cooking 
pots replaced soapstone vessels. Although some 
cooking was done over primus stoves, and light 
provided by kerosene lamps (Jenness, 1946, pp. 
1-2), stone lamps were still in use around Bath- 
hurst Inlet and Perry River in the early 1960s (D. 
Damas, pers. comm.). As noted in the Introduc- 
tion, Captain Klengenberg traded on Victoria Is- 
land during the winter of 1 905- 1 906. His wife was 
an liiupiat from Point Hope, Alaska, and she and 
her daughter introduced western liiupiat clothing 
styles, which rapidly replaced the traditional Cop- 
per Inuit styles (Oakes, 1991, p. 24). Garments of 
wool and cotton were also increasingly available. 

Before these rapid changes had taken place, the 
Canadian Arctic Expedition obtained the large col- 
lection that Jenness published in 1946. It will be 
recalled that Harold Noice was a member of the 
Canadian Arctic Expedition, and although his col- 
lection was made in 1921-1922, six years after the 
one obtained by Jenness, it should be apparent 
from the foregoing artifact descriptions that exotic 

materials are absent from the collection except for 
the use of metal for blades and points. Thus the 
statements made by Jenness with reference to the 
status of Copper Inuit material culture at the time 
of the Canadian Arctic Expedition apply equally 
well to the collection made by Noice in spite of 
the fact that opportunities for acquiring trade goods 
presumably increased considerably during those 
intervening six years. Of course, it is possible, per- 
haps even probable, that Noice avoided collecting 
objects that showed European influence. 

Like Robert Peary during his numerous trips to 
the country of the Polar Inuit in northwest Green- 
land over a period of 20 years beginning in 1891 
(VanStone, 1972, pp. 39-40), members of the Ca- 
nadian Arctic Expedition had a major impact on 
the material culture of the Copper Inuit. Jenness 
appears to have been well supplied with goods for 
trading. An appendix to his recently published di- 
ary (S. E. Jenness, 1 99 1 , pp. 673-696) gives a com- 
plete list of trades he made from December 1914 
to March 1915. Following are some typical trans- 

30 .44 cartridges for one bow and equipment. 
2 fathoms of calico for one snow knife. 
1 metal thimble for three bone thimbles. 
1 saw for a pair of women's water boots. 
1 canister of gun powder for a man's parka. 
1 box of .38-55 cartridges for a large ulu. 

A total of 744 transactions are listed, and al- 
though some are payments for food, dogs, inter- 
views, and "services rendered," the majority are 
for the purchase of ethnographic objects or the raw 
materials for their manufacture. Also, the majority 
of items traded are either finished manufactures 
(saws, knives, cloth, cans, etc.) or items associated 
with subsistence, especially ammunition and traps. 
As previously noted, guns, presumably muzzle- 
loaders, were rare objects before the Canadian 
Arctic Expedition, and even when Copper Inuit 
hunters succeeded in obtaining a few weapons, 
they were never able to gain much advantage from 
them since powder and shot could only occasion- 
ally be obtained. From Jenness and other mem- 
bers of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, the hunt- 
ers received modem, breech-loading weapons and 
a regular supply of cartridges. As Damas (1984, p. 
409) noted, "Already during Jenness's stay, . . ., 
the use of rifles had begun to alter the seasonal 
economic cycle in the western part of the [Copper 
Inuit] area with sealing grounds being abandoned 
about a month earlier for caribou hunts on both 
sides of Dolphin and Union Strait." Thus it is 



probably no exaggeration to state that it was Jen- 
ness and his fellow exjiedition members who gave 
the Copper Inuit, for the first time, truly effective 
equipment for harvesting the resources in their 

Like Jenness, Harold Noice acquired his collec- 
tion with trade goods that he obtained from the 
Hudson's Bay Company post established at Ber- 
nard Harbor in 1916 or other posts op>erating in 
Coronation Gulf shortly thereafter (Usher, 1971, 
pp. 103-104). As Stefansson noted in his letter of 
April 24, 1922, to C. T. Currelly of the Royal 
Ontario Museum, quoted in the Introduction, 
Noice had to obtain fox skins, presumably trapped 
by Inuit, in order to acquire trade goods from the 
Hudson's Bay Company. Stefansson pointed out 
that Noice had to pay an average of $ 1 5 in fox 
skins to acquire sufficient trade goods to purchase 
one bow in Coronation Gulf. In any event, it is 
clear that Noice, Jenness, and Stefansson obtained 
their collections in essentially the same manner. 
The difference was that Jenness, and Stefansson 
to a limited extent, were collecting within the con- 
text of well-funded anthropological research, while 
Noice was untrained as a social scientist and, of 
necessity, was forced to exchange trade goods with 
Inuit for furs to obtain more trade goods so that 
he could sustain his collecting effort. 

Of major importance with reference to both the 
Jenness and Noice collections, of course, is that 
both collectors acquired objects still in use at the 
time the collections were made. This is in contrast 
to many of the Native American and Canadian 
collections in the Field Museum that, more often 
than not, contain items that were either preserved 
by families as heirlooms or were made sp)ecifically 
at the request of the collector. As Stefansson noted 
in his letter to Currelly, items collected by Noice, 
even though obtained when traders were already 
op>erating in Coronation Gulf, would never again 
be made except for sale, esp)ecially clothing and 
items associated with subsistence. Noice, he stated 
emphatically, "secured the last that remained of 
those [artifacts] actually made for use and actually 
used." Jenness would certainly have agreed with 
this statement. Seldom, it would seem, have se- 
rious ethnographic collectors so closely preceded 
the initial presence of significant agents of culture 

Compared to the collection made by Jenness, 
the Noice assemblage is not large, even when that 
part of it now in the Royal Ontario Museum is 
included. Nevertheless, the collection purchased 
by the Field Museum in 1920 is quite represen- 

tative, a condition that may be due in part to de- 
cisions made by Worth when the total collection 
was split for sale. The material culture of the Cop- 
per Inuit was not complex and the Field Museum's 
Noice collection provides a reasonable indication 
of its variety. 

It may be useful to compare the Noice collection 
with the collection studied by Jenness. The fol- 
lowing classes of artifacts present, in the combined 
Jenness/Stefansson assemblage, are absent from 
the Noice collection: 

Land Hunting 

boards for freighting caribou 
instruments for feathering arrows 

Sea Hunting 

probes for seal holes 

wound plugs 

hooks for withdrawing indicators from seal holes 


bone gorge 
fish rake 

Women's Tools 

knife sharpener 

wood hearth for fire drill 



Household Equipment 

stone kettle 

wood pail and bowls 

frame for drying clothes 

snow shovel 

wood table and strut 

drinking horn 

meat fork 

sewing basket 

Men's Clothing 

inner coat 
sealskin coat 



water boots 
inner stockings 
dancing cap 

Women 's Clothing 

inner coat 
water boots 
outer stockings 


bull roarer 

collection in the Royal Ontario Museum. Barbara 
M. Conklin provided copies of correspondence be- 
tween John G. Worth and curators at the Amer- 
ican Museum of Natural History. David E. Wil- 
lard and William T. Stanley of the Field Museum's 
Department of Zoology identified feathers and 
mammal skins used in the manufacture of artifacts 
in the Noice collection, and John J. Engel, De- 
partment of Botany, assisted in the identification 
of floral material. The drawings in this study were 
made by Lori Grove, and the photographs are the 
work of James L. Balodimas, a museum photog- 
rapher. Loran H. Recchia and James D. Foerster 
typed several drafts of the manuscript with ac- 
curacy and dispatch. 

It will be noted that artifacts in most of the 
categories described by Jenness are represented in 
the Noice collection. The most significant 
omissions are in the categories of household equip- 
ment and men's and women's clothing. The Noice 
collection contains no children's clothing, and only 
one artifact associated with transportation. The 
only artifacts in the Noice collection that are ab- 
sent from the Jenness/Stefansson assemblage are 
a file, bolas, and seal hooks. With the exception 
of rivets, there is an almost complete absence of 
artifacts made from copper. Only two arrowhead 
blades, two fishhooks, two leister prong barbs, and 
one needle are made of copper, the material that 
was once so characteristic of Copper Inuit man- 

This study of the Field Museum's Noice collec- 
tion demonstrates that, like the collections made 
between 1 908 and 1915 by Jenness and Stefans- 
son, it represents Copper Inuit material culture 
just prior to the time of extensive changes intro- 
duced by traders. Although containing few arti- 
facts that add to our knowledge of the Copper Inuit 
material culture inventory, it is an interesting and 
useful extension of the Stefansson and Jenness col- 
lections made at about the same time. 


The author is grateful to Robert McGhee, J. 
Garth Taylor, and William E. Taylor, Jr., for valu- 
able assistance during the preparation of this study. 
Kenneth R. Lister and Bemadette DriscoU pro- 
vided useful information concerning the Noice 

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Fig. 2. a, bow ( 1 76040a); b, bow (176039b); c, arrow (176039c); d, arrow (1760380; e, arrow (176039e); f, arrow 
(176039d); g, arrow (176038d). Neg. no. 1 12430. 



10 cm 



t Kt 





Fig. 3. a, arrowhead (176043e); b, arrowhead (1760430; c, arrowhead (176043h); d, arrowhead (176044e); e, 
arrowhead ( 1 76044c); f, arrowhead ( 1 760440; g, sinew twister ( 1 76053c); h, sinew twister ( 1 76052d); i, thumb guard 
(178145); j, sinew twister (176053d); k, marlin spike (176052b); I, bow case handle (176063c). Neg. no. 1 12431. 







Fig. 5. a, handle for carrying blood bag (176092a); b, bolas (176032); c, lance blade (176075); d, arrow shaft 
straightener ( 1 76093); e, marlin spike ( 1 76054b); f, bone pins ( 1 76059a-b); g, drinking tube ( 1 76072); h, marlin spike 
(176055b). Neg. no. 112427. 

Fig. 4. Bow case ( 1 76038). 



Fig. 6. a, breathing hole scoop ( 1 76048b); b, breathing hole scoop ( 1 76048a); c, seal hook ( 1 76099b); d, seal hook 
( 1 76099d); e, "unfinished" harpoon heads (1 76060); f, harpoon head ( 1 78 148); g, bag for seal hooks (1 76099a). Neg. 
no. 112426. 



Fig. 7. Bag with harpoon head (176098a-b). 



Fig. 8. a, leister (176042); b, leister (176041); c, swivel for leading a dog (176037); d, fishhook (178134c); e, 
fishhook (176100); f, ice pick (176097); g, leister side prong ( 1 76070a). Neg. no. 1 12429. 



Fig. 9. a, fishing rod and lurehook (176029); b, fishhook (178134a); c, leister side prong (176046a); d, leister 
center prong (176049a); e, leister side prong (176049c); f, fishhook (178134b); g, seal indicator (176056a). Neg. no. 
1 12428. 








Fig. 10. a, woman's knife (176082); b, skin scraper, type 1 (176033b); c, skin scraper, type 1 (176033c); d, skin 
scraper, type 3 (176034); e, scraper handle (?) (176091); f, skin stretcher, type 2 (178142); g, skin scraper, type 2 
(176081); h, skin stretcher, type 2 (176096); i, skin stretcher, type 1 (178141). Neg. no. 1 12425. 





Fig. 11. a, sewing outfit (176073); b, marrow extractor (176067b); c, marrow extractor (176067c); d, marrow 
extractor (176067a); e, skin scraper, type 2 (176079); f, needle case (176071); g, grooving tool (176086); h, thimble 
(178143b); i, grooving tool (176089); j, sewing outfit (176095). Neg. no. 1 12422. 



Fig. 12. a, crooked knife (176033a); b, saw (176088); c, saw (176084); d, saw (176078); e, drill mouthpiece 
(176035); f, file (176090); g, adze head and blade (176080). Neg. no. 1 12423. 



10 cm 

Fig. 13. a, man's knife (176076); b, grooving tool (176087); c, man's knife (176077); d, drill shank (176047d); e, 
grooving tool handle (178144); f, drill shank (176047d); g, drill bow (176047c). Neg. no. 1 12421. 



Fig. 14. a, pick (176050); b, adze (176051); c, man's tool bag (178151a); d, man's tool bag (178152). Neg. no. 





o . 

Fig. 15. a 

ladle (176065a) 

I, bird's foot bag (1 78 1 56); b, lamp (1 76069); c, dipper or drinking ladle (1 76065c); d, dipper or drinking 
)a); e, dipper or drinking ladle (176065b); f, snow knife (176064b); g, snow knife (176064a). Neg. no. 



Fig. 16. a, water bag ( 1 76030); b, bag (178157); c, 
f, bag (178155). 112420. 

bag ( 1 78 1 46); d, blubber pounder ( 1 7606 1 ); e, bag ( 1 78 1 58); 




Fig. 17. Man's outer parka (176004). 



\5 ^i^^ism/f^' ;;«Wi> ;-^-.- 

Fig. 18. Man's outer parka, front (176004). Nfeg. no. 1 12442. 



Fig. 19. Man's outer parka, back (176004). Neg. no. 1 12441. 




^^ P^ 

Fig. 20. Man's outer parka ( 1 76003). 



Fig. 2 1 . Man's outer parka, front ( 1 76003). Neg. no. 1 1 2440. 



Fig. 22. Man's outer parka, back (1 76003). Neg. no. 1 1 2439. 




Fig. 23. Man's outer (inner?) parka (176007). 



Fig. 24. Man's outer (inner?) parka (176007). Neg. no. 1 12438. 




Fig. 25. Man's overcoat (176006). Neg. no. 1 12437. 



Fig. 26. Man's outer trousers ( 1 76005). Neg. no. 1 1 24 1 3. 



Fig. 27. Man's outer trousers ( 1 78 1 50). Neg. no. 1 1 24 1 6. 



Fig. 28. a, man's outer stockings (176014a-b); b, sock (178154). Neg. no. 1 12415. 



Fig. 29. Man's dance stockings ( 1 760 1 6a-b). Neg. no. 1 1 24 1 2. 



Fig. 30. Man's spring and fall boots ( 1 760 1 5a-b). Neg. no. 1 1 24 1 1 . 



Fig. 31. a, sealskin shoes, type 2 (I76018a-b); b, sealskin shoes, type 1 (176019a-b). Neg. no. 1 12417. 




Fig. 32. a, mittens, type 1 (176021a-b); b, mittens, type 2 ( 1 76023a-b); c, mittens, type 1 (176024a-b). Neg. no. 




Fig. 33. a, mittens, type 2 (176026a-b); b, mittens, type 2 (176022a-b); c, mitten, type 1 (176025a). Neg. no. 



Fig. 34. Woman's outer (inner?) parka (176001). 



Fig. 35. Woman's outer (inner?) parka (176001). Neg. no. 1 12436. 








Fig. 37. Woman's outer parka, front (176002). Neg. no. 1 12435. 

Fig. 36. Woman's outer parka (176002). 



Fig. 38. Woman's outer parka, back (176002). Neg. no. 1 12434. 





Fig. 39. Woman's outer parka (17601 0). 



Fig. 40. Woman's outer parka, front (176010). Neg. no. 1 12433. 



Fig. 41. Woman's outer parka, back (176010). Neg. no. 1 12432. 



Fig. 42. Woman's outer trousers (178149). Neg. no. 11 24 18. 



Fig. 43. Woman's inner (?) stockings (17601 la-b). Neg. no. 1 12409. 



Fig. 44. a, sled toggle (176028a); b, comb (178140); c, bag for sled toggle (176028b); d, doll (176031); e, musk 
ox horn ( 1 76062); f, loon's head pendant ( 1 760 1 7); g, ring and pin game (1781 38); h, doll's stocking ( 1 78 1 3 1 ); i, doll 
(178147). Neg. no. 112443. 




The Noice Copper Inuit Collection 
(Accession 1628) 

Following is a list of the Noice Copper Inuit 
collection described in this study. It is not a com- 
plete list of the collection as it appears in the cat- 
alog of the Department of Anthropology, Field 
Museum of Natural History, since ten artifacts 
represented by eight catalog numbers could not be 
located. The Noice collection was originally cat- 
aloged by someone with minimal knowledge of 
Inuit material culture, possibly using identifica- 
tions provided by John G. Worth, the dealer from 
whom it was purchased. Therefore, the identifi- 
cations given here differ considerably from those 
in the catalog. 


Land Hunting 

176093 arrow shaft straightener (fig. 5d) 

176094 arrow shaft straightener 
176057a-b bone pins 
176058a-b bone pins 

1 76059a-b bone pins (fig. 5f ) 

1 76092a-c handles for carrying blood bags (fig. 


1 76032 bolas (fig. 5b) 

1 76072 drinking tube (fig. 5g) 

Sea Hunting 

178148 harpoon head (fig. 6f ) 

1 76060a-h "unfinished harpoon heads" (fig. 6e) 

1 76098a-b bag with harpoon head (fig. 7) 

176097 ice pick (fig. 8f) 

1 76048a-b breathing hole scoops (fig. 6a-b) 

176037 swivel for leading a dog (fig. 8c) 

176056a-e seal indicators (fig. 9g) 

1 76099a-d seal hooks and bag (fig. 6c-d,g) 

176038i composite bow 

176039b composite bow (fig. 2b) 

1 76040a composite bow (fig. 2a) 

1 76038b-h arrows (7) (fig. 2d,g) 

176039c-e arrows (3) (fig. 2c,e,f) 

1 76040b-g arrows (6) 

no number arrows (2) 

176045a-n arrow shaft fragments (14) 

1 76043a-h arrowheads (8) (fig. 3a-c) 

1 76044a-f arrowheads (6) (fig. 3d-f) 

176038 bow case and quiver (fig. 4) 

1 73039 bow case and quiver 

176040 bow case and quiver 

176063a-c bow case handles (fig. 31) 

178145 thumb guard (fig. 3i) 

176052a-b marlin spikes (fig. 3k) 

176052c-d sinew twisters (fig. 3h) 

176053a-b marlin spikes 

176053c-d sinew twisters (fig. 3gJ) 

176054a-b marlin spikes (fig. 5e) 

1 76054c-d sinew twisters 

176055a-b marlin spikes (fig. 5h) 

176055c-d sinew twisters 

176066a-b marlin spikes 

176075 lance blade (fig. 5c) 



trident leister (fig. 8b) 


trident leister (fig. 8a) 


trident leister and side prongs (fig. 



trident leister center and side prongs 

(fig. 9d-e) 


leister side prongs (fig. 8g) 


fishing rod and lurehook (fig. 9a) 


fish hooks (figs. 8d, 9b,f) 


fish hook (fig. 8e) 


Women's Tools 

176082 woman's knife (fig. 10a) 

176033b skin scraper, type 1 (fig. 10b) 

176033c skin scraper, type 1 (fig. 10c) 

176079 skin scraper, type 2 (fig. 1 le) 

176081 skin scraper, type 2 (fig. lOg) 

176034 skin scraper, type 3 (fig. lOd) 

176091 skin scraper handle (fig. lOe) 

1 76068a-b skin stretchers, type 1 



178141 skin stretcher, type 1 (fig. lOi) 
176096 skin stretcher, type 2 (fig. lOh) 

178142 skin stretcher, type 2 (fig. 100 
1 7607 1 needle case (fig. 1 1 

176095 sewing outfit with marrow extractor 

(fig. I Ij) 

176073 sewing outfit with belt toggle and 

threading needles (fig. 1 la) 


thimbles (fig. llh) 


marrow extractors (fig. 1 1 b-d) 

Men's Tools 


crooked or whittling knife (fig. 12a) 


grooving tool (fig. 1 Ig) 


grooving tool (fig. 1 3b) 


grooving tool (fig. 1 1 i) 


grooving tool handle (fig. 13e) 


man's knife (fig. 1 3a) 


man's knife (fig. 1 3c) 


drill bow 


drill bow (fig. 1 3g) 


drill shank (fig. 130 


drill shank (fig. 13d) 


drill shank 


drill mouthpiece (fig. 1 2e) 


hand saw (fig. 1 2c) 


hand saw (fig. 1 2d) 


hand saw (fig. 1 2b) 


file (fig. 12f) 


adze (fig. 1 4b) 


adze head and blade (fig. 1 2g) 


pick (fig. 14a) 


tool bag (fig. 14d) 


tool bag 


tool bag (fig. 1 4c) 


tool bag (?) 











dipper or drinking ladle (fig. 1 5c) 
snow knife (fig. 1 5g) 
snow knife (fig. 1 5f ) 
water bag (fig. 1 6a) 
clothing bag 
tinder bag (?) (fig. 16b) 
bag (fig. 16c) 
bag (fig. 16f) 

fragment of bag for oil or blubber (?) 
(fig. 16e) 

Men 's Clothing 

1 76004 outer parka (figs. 17-19) 
1 76003 outer parka (figs. 20-22) 

1 76007 outer (inner?) parka (figs. 23-24) 

176006 overcoat (fig. 25) 

1 76005 outer trousers (fig. 26) 
178150 outer trousers (fig. 27) 
176014a-b outer stockings (fig. 28a) 
176016a-b dance stockings (fig. 29) 
178154 sock (fig. 28b) 
176015a-b spring and fall boots (fig. 30) 
176019a-b sealskin shoes, type 1 (fig. 31b) 
1 76020a-b sealskin shoes, type 1 
176018a-b sealskin shoes, type 2 (fig. 31a) 
176021a-b mittens, type 1 (fig. 32a) 
176023a-b mittens, type 1 (fig. 32b) 

1 76024a-b mittens, type 1 (fig. 32c) 

176025a mitten, type 1 (fig. 33c) 

176025b mitten, type 1 

176027 mittens, type 1 

176022a-b mittens, type 2 (fig. 33b) 

176026a-b mittens, type 2 (fig. 33a) 

Household Equipment 

Women's Clothing 

178156 bird's foot bag (fig. 1 5a) 1 7600 1 

176069 oil lamp (fig. 15b) 176002 

1 7606 1 blubber pounder (fig. 1 6d) 1 760 1 

1 76065a dipper or drinking ladle (fig. 1 5d) 1 78 1 49 

176065b dipper or drinking ladle (fig. 1 5e) 17601 la-b 

outer (inner?) parka (figs. 34-35) 
outer parka (figs. 36-38) 
outer parka (figs. 39-41) 
outer trousers (fig. 42) 
inner stockings (fig. 43) 



Miscellaneous Raw Mateiual 

176031 female doll and doll's stocking (fig. 176062 musk ox horn (fig. 44e) 

44d,h) 1 76074a-b musk ox horns 

178147 female doll (fig. 44i) 1 78 1 36a-b dried moss 

178138 ring and pin game (fig. 44g) 

178140 comb (fig. 44b) 

176028a-b sled toggle and container bag (fig. 

176017 loon's head pendant (fig. 44f) c 


A Selected Listing of Other Fieldiana: Anthropology titles A\. 

\liana: Anthropoloy 

1989. 40 pages, 32 illi 

Puhliratjf;?; Hf J 

PaJlioaticn 1404, Sil.(K) 

Jllke Jind Killke-Related Pottery from Cuzco, Peru, in the Field Museum of Natural History. By Brian 
s w.,.....- ,,..,-! r-u^^-'c': Stanish. Fieldiana: Arthrr'^H"-::-. n ■■. n- l'^, '^>"^. 17 pages, 17 illus. 

Publication 1419, $9.00 

panic Cer 

i ( pper Moqucgu:! 
S pages, 308 illus. 

laterial Culture of the Blackfoot (Blood) Indians of Southeri 
no. 19, 1992. 80 pages, 53 illus. 

Fieldiana: Anthn 

Publication 1439, $19.00 

., ... ■, - Central British r'<:)lumbia: Collections in the 

Field Museum of Natural History. B> .lames W. VanStone. Fieldian 
1993 29 nas^es 25 illus. 

Publication 1446, $12.00 

and Warfare Among the Kayenta Anasazi of the Thirteenth Century A.D. By Jonathan Haas and 
.ifred Creamer. Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s., no. 21, 1993. 211 pages, 74 illus. 

Publication 14*^0 SIT' Of) 

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